THINKING CRITICALLY Does Watching Violence on Television Make People More Violent
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THINKING CRITICALLY Does Watching Violence on Television Make People More Violent
197 Cognitive Processes in Learning FIGURE 5.16 Observational Learning Mean imitative aggression scores 14 Bandura found that after observing an aggressive model, many children imitate the model’s acts precisely, especially if the model’s aggression was rewarded. 12 10 8 6 4 2 Experimental groups Control groups Aggressive model rewarded Aggressive model punished Nonaggressive model No model Source: Bandura, Ross, & Ross (1963). Bandura found that children who saw the adult rewarded for aggression showed the most aggressive acts in play (see Figure 5.16). They had received vicarious conditioning, a kind of observational learning through which a person is influenced by watching or hearing about the consequences of others’ behavior. The children who had seen the adult punished for aggressive acts showed less aggression, but they still learned something. When later offered rewards for all the filmed aggressive acts they could perform, these children displayed just as many of these acts as the children who watched the adult being rewarded. Observational learning can occur even when there are no vicarious consequences; many children in the neutral condition also imitated the model’s aggression. Like direct reward and punishment, observational learning is a powerful force in the socialization process through which children learn about which behaviors are—and are not—appropriate in their culture (Bandura, 1999). For example, children show longterm increases in their willingness to help and share after seeing a demonstration of helping by a friendly, impressive model (Schroeder et al., 1995). Fears, too, can be learned partly by watching fearfulness in others (Kleinknecht, 1991). I vicarious conditioning A kind of observational learning through which a person is influenced by watching or hearing about the consequences of others’ behavior. T H I N K I N G C R I T I C A L LY f observational learning is important, then surely television—and televised violence— Does Watching Violence must teach children a great deal. It is estion Television Make People mated that the average child in the United States spends about three hours each day More Violent? watching television (Annenberg Public Policy Center, 2000). Much of what children see is violent. In addition to the real-life violence portrayed on the news (Van der Molen, 2004), prime-time entertainment programs in the United States present an average of five acts of simulated violence per hour. Some Saturday morning cartoons include 198 Chapter 5 Learning more than twenty per hour (American Psychological Association, 1993; Gerbner, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994). As a result, the average child will have witnessed at least 8,000 murders and more than 100,000 other acts of televised violence before finishing elementary school, and twice that number by age 18 (Annenberg Public Policy Center, 1999; Kunkel et al., 1996; Parents Television Council, 2006). Psychologists have long speculated that watching so much violence might be emotionally arousing, making viewers more likely to react violently to frustration (Huston & Wright, 1989). In fact, there is evidence that exposure to media violence can trigger or amplify viewers’ aggressive thoughts and feelings, thus increasing the likelihood that they will act aggressively (Anderson & Dill, 2000; Bushman, 1998). Televised violence might also provide models that viewers imitate, particularly if the violence is carried out by the “good guys” (Huesmann et al., 2003). Finally, prolonged viewing of violent TV programs might “desensitize” viewers, making them less distressed when they see others suffer and less disturbed about inflicting pain on others (Aronson, 1999; Smith & Donnerstein, 1998). Concern over the influence of violence on television has led to the development of a violence-blocking “V-Chip” for new television sets in the United States. ■ What am I being asked to believe or accept? Many have argued that watching violence on television causes violent behavior in viewers (Anderson et al., 2003; Anderson & Bushman, 2002b; Bushman & Huesmann, 2000; Eron et al., 1996; Huesmann, 1998). In 1993, a National Academy of Sciences report concluded that “overall, the vast majority of studies, whatever their methodology, showed that exposure to television violence resulted in increased aggressive behavior, both contemporaneously and over time” (Reiss & Roth, 1993, p. 371). An American Psychological Association Commission on Violence and Youth reached the same conclusion (American Psychological Association, 1993). ■ Is there evidence available to support the claim? Three types of evidence back up the claim that watching violent television programs increases violent behavior. First, there are anecdotes and case studies. Children have poked one another in the eye after watching the Three Stooges appear to do so on television. And adults have claimed that watching TV shows prompted them to commit murders or other violent acts matching those seen on the shows (Werner, 2003). Second, many correlational studies have found a strong link between watching violent television programs and later acts of aggression and violence (Johnson et al., 2002). One such study tracked people from the time they were six or seven (in 1977) until they reached their early twenties (in 1992). Those who watched more violent television as children were significantly more aggressive as adults (Huesmann et al., 1997, 2003) and more likely to engage in criminal activity (Huesmann, 1995). They were also more likely to use physical punishment on their own children, who themselves tended to be much more aggressive than average. These latter results were found not only in the United States but also in Israel, Australia, Poland, the Netherlands, and even Finland, where the number of violent TV shows is very small (Centerwall, 1990; Huesmann & Eron, 1986). Finally, the results of numerous experiments support the view that TV violence increases aggression among viewers (American Psychological Association, 1993; Paik & Comstock, 1994; Reiss & Roth, 1993). In one study, groups of boys watched either violent or nonviolent programs in a controlled setting and then played floor hockey (Josephson, 1987). Boys who had watched the violent shows were more likely than those who had watched nonviolent programs to behave aggressively on the hockey floor. This effect was greatest for boys who had the most aggressive tendencies to begin with. More extensive experiments in which children are exposed for long periods to carefully controlled types of television programs also suggest that exposure to large amounts of violent activity on television results in aggressive behavior (Eron et al., 1996). 199 Cognitive Processes in Learning ■ Can that evidence be interpreted another way? To some, this evidence leaves no doubt that media violence causes increases in aggressive and violent behavior, especially in children (Anderson et al., 2003). Others suggest that the evidence is not conclusive and is open to some qualifications and alternative interpretations (e.g., Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005; Freedman, 2002). Anecdotal reports and case studies are certainly open to different interpretations. If people face imprisonment or execution for their violent acts, how much credibility can we give to their claims that their actions were triggered by television programs? How many other people might say that the same programs made them less likely to be violent? Anecdotes alone do not provide a good basis for drawing solid scientific conclusions. What about the correlational evidence? A correlation between two variables does not necessarily mean that one caused the other. Both might be caused by a third factor. In fact, at least two possible “third factors” might account for the observed relationship between watching TV violence and acting aggressively. First, certain people may prefer both to watch more violent TV programs and to behave aggressively toward others. In other words, personality may partly account for the observed correlations (e.g., Aluja-Fabregat & Torrubia-Beltri, 1998). Second, perhaps poverty, unemployment, or the effects of drugs and alcohol leave certain people more time to watch television and leave them with frustration or other stressors that trigger aggressive behavior. Finally, some researchers question whether the results of controlled experiments on the effects of televised violence extend beyond the experimental situation or last more than a short time (Anderson, Lindsay, & Bushman, 1999; Browne & HamiltonGiachristsis, 2005; Freedman, 2002). Who is to say, for example, whether an increase in aggressive acts during a hockey game has any later bearing on a child’s tendency to commit an act of violence? Close to Home © 2003 John McPherson. Reprinted with Permission of Universal Press Syndicate. All rights reserved. ■ What evidence would help to evaluate the alternatives? By their nature, correlational studies of the role of TV violence in violent behavior can never be conclusive. As we’ve pointed out, a third, unidentified causal variable could always be responsible for the results. More important would be further evidence from controlled experiments in which equivalent groups of people were given different, longterm “doses” of TV violence and its effects on their subsequent behavior were observed for many years. Such experiments could also explore the circumstances under which different people (for example, children vs. adults) are affected by various forms of violence. However, studies such as these create an ethical dilemma. If watching violent television programs really does cause violent behavior, are psychologists justified in creating conditions that might lead some people to be more violent? If such violence occurred, would the researchers be partly responsible to the victims and to society? If some participants commit violent acts, should the researchers continue the experiment to establish a pattern, or should they terminate the participation of those individuals? Difficulty in answering questions such as these is partly responsible for the use of shortterm experiments and correlational designs in this research area, as well as for some of the remaining uncertainty about the effects of television violence. ■ What conclusions are most reasonable? The violence that may affect children’s aggressive behavior may not be limited to what they see on television and in video games. The evidence collected so far makes it reasonable to conclude that watching TV violence is one cause of violent behavior, especially in some children, and especially in boys (Anderson & Bushman, 2002a; Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005; Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Huesmann et al., 1997; Robinson et al., 2001; Smith & Donnerstein, 1998). Playing violent video games may be another (Anderson, 2004; Anderson & Bushman, 2001). But a cause-effect relationship between watching TV violence and acting violently is not inevitable and may not always be long-lasting (Browne & HamiltonGiachritsis, 2005). Further, there are many circumstances in which the effect does not occur (Charleton, Gunter, & Coles, 1998; Freedman, 1992, 2002). Parents, peers, and