Program and Abstracts - 持続可能な東アジア交流圏の構想に向けた

8th International Symposium for Port Cities Studies "Historical Experience of Port Cities/Conceptions of Socio-Cultural Coexistence in East Asia"
劉
建輝
ブライアン・バークガフニ
国際ワークショップ
近代東アジアの境界文化と長崎
主催 長崎大学重点研究課題「持続可能な東アジア交流圏の構想に向けた人文・社会科学のクロスオーバー：「共生」概念の学
際的統合にもとづいて」（東アジア共生プロジェクト）
共催 神戸大学、韓国海洋大学校国際海洋問題研究所、木浦大学校
協力 中国海洋大学、中山大学、台湾大学
使用言語 日本語、中国語、韓国語、英語
問い合わせ 南 誠（[email protected]）
このシンポジウムおよびワークショップは、長崎大学重点研究課題経費および科学技術人材育成補助金（テニュアトラック普
及・定着事業）の支援を受けています。
このシンポジウムおよびワークショップは、長崎大学重点研究課題経費および科学技術人材
育成補助金(テニュアトラック普 及・定着事業)の支援を受けています。
2
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subject
3
1
=
!
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!
!
Dejima!of!Nagasaki!has!been!understood!as!almost!only!enterance!to!enable!Japan!to!have!a!
cultural!interaction!with!Europe!during!the!Edo!period.!However,!it!is!never!a!historical!fact!but!a!
"myth"!to!emphasize!a!continuous!"direct"!exchange!relationship!between!Japan!and!Europe.!
Some!cultural!information!had!been!already!brought!to!Nagasaki!through!the!other!route!that!is!
from!Guangzhou!via!Shanghai!since!the!late!eighteenth!century.!Moreover,!at!the!turn!of!the!
middle!nineteenth!century,!lots!of!western!and!protestantFrelated!information!were!imported!to!
Japan!through!the!same!route.!This!presentation!examines!the!cultural!activities!among!
Westerners,!especially!protestant!missionaries,!in!Guangzhou!and!Shanghai,!that!have!been!dealt!
with!as!just!a!matter!of!the!local!history,!and!analyzes!the!historical!significance!of!those!cultural!
activities!considering!how!those!activities!were!done!and!come!into!Japan!through!the!route!and!
how!they!influenced!on!situation!of!the!Late!Tokugawa!Shogunate,!Bakumatsu.!
2
!
!
!
Brian!Burke*Gaffney!
!
Nagasaki!was!little!more!than!a!small!fishing!village!until!the!arrival!of!the!Portuguese!and!
Chinese!in!the!late!sixteenth!century!and!its!development!as!an!international!port.! ! During!the!Edo!
Period!it!served!as!Japan’s!only!point!of!contact!with!Europe.! ! After!the!Tokugawa!Shogunate!
signed!the!Ansei!Five*Power!Treaties!in!1858,!it!welcomed!a!new!era!of!prosperity!and!international!
exchange!as!Japan’s!closest!port!to!China.!
In!the!years!before!and!during!the!Meiji!Period!(1868*1912),!Nagasaki!was!the!site!of!interaction!
between!foreigners!and!the!representatives!of!various!domains!and!served!as!a!gateway!for!the!
modernization!of!Japan.! ! The!first!newspaper,!telegraph!station,!telephones!and!other!information!
technology!also!made!their!debut!in!Nagasaki,!adding!momentum!to!international!exchange!and!
cooperation!while!at!the!same!time!contributing!to!Nagasaki’s!eclectic!local!culture.! ! ! ! !
3
Park, Hyock Soon (Mokpo Univ.)
In his 1985 presidential address, William Skinner suggests a hypothesis that China consists
of 10 macro regions. I think we can apply this hypothesis to East Asia. Korea, Japan, Tibet,
Xinjiang, Mongolia, and Southeast Asia can be defined as macro regions. In that sense,
East Asia is a collection of macro regions.
The interrelation between these macro regions began in the ancient times, and the
interrelationship was not peaceful. Conflicts and wars frequently occurred. After the Tang
Dynasty introduced a tribute system, that interrelationship changed because the system
provided trading opportunities to all who paid the tribute. During the Song and Yuan
Dynasties, trade between the macro regions thrived, and many people emigrated to the
other macro regions.
Then the worldwide economic crisis of the 14th century broke off the interrelationship
between the macro regions. Each macro region enforced control over trade and emigration.
The economic situation improved soon after, but the control lasted throughout the Ming and
Ching Dynasties.
This changed in the Modern Age. In 1842, China opened 5 treaty ports to westerners.
During the late 19th century, many more treaty ports opened all over East Asia. Some of these
ports were old ports at the center of interrelation of macro regions in the Pre-Modern Period.
However, the characteristics of the ports had changed. Merchants who visited those treaty
ports could do business freely and be protected within their consular jurisdiction. Treaty
ports were free spaces outside of local government control.
Recently, some historians have emphasized the continuation of the tribute system in
the Modern Age. I do not believe it continued, though, because the interrelationship of East
Asian macro regions fundamentally changed in the Modern Age.
4
5
近
海洋主
際的
多
値
年末 基準), 無人島嶼 2,876
島嶼開
1986 年 島嶼開
政策
片的
合的
以前
遂行
政策
政策樹立
法制
法制 推進
1986 年
紆余曲折
連部署
政策
島嶼地域開
必要性 認識
韓
島嶼地域開 政策
微弱
究
70 年代
海洋資源
3,339
促進法 制定
散 的 推進
自体 部署間連携性
体系的
海洋主
土 外側
地域
有人島嶼
個別事業
島嶼
特 自然環境 有無形 地域資源 保有
点
韓
心
島嶼開 促進法
制定公布)
韓
島嶼開 法 制定
島嶼 合開 計
長期目標樹立 不在
態 散 的 政策
本格的 開 政策
根源
推進
自的
島嶼地域 特性 考慮
開
問題点
均 衡 展特別法 制定
地域
樹立
改定
家政策
最近 家
年
化
施行
政策的 混線
島嶼
問題点
露呈
島嶼
生産·所得
嶼地域住民 所得 大
島嶼開發事業
生活基盤施設
整備·
充
生活環境
改善
島
福祉向上
參與
協助
事業 效率化
島嶼綜合開
10 個年計
推進
島嶼綜合開
10 個年計
(1998-07) 推進
6
目的
10 個年計
島嶼綜合開
土領域
島嶼
重要性
(2008-17) 推進
認識
開發方向設定 微弱
旣存政策遂行過程
協力体系 微弱
綜合開
組織体系 微弱
基本的 目標達成
地方費
投資財源規模 微弱
負担率
最近 制度 化
連自治体 財政力 貧弱
島嶼地域
政策 推進
問題 業務推進
政策遂行
島嶼
不均衡
包括補助金制度 施行
大規模島嶼
政策遂行体制
島嶼 特殊性
部處
中央部處 行政
業務
別 開 地域
家均衡發展特別法
別 島嶼地域
島嶼地域 件( 化)
部處 一元化
中央
必要
指定
成長促進地域 特殊狀況地域
特性
事業計
政策 遂行
樹立
7
島嶼地域
島嶼地域 特殊性
災害
事業
島嶼地域 生活 件
開
事業 推進
集中的
推進
輸送費
化
事業計劃
自然
人件費
事業費
計定
象島嶼 合理的 調整
存 島嶼綜合開發計劃 對象島嶼
10
10
以上 居住島嶼
島嶼 原則的
小規模 島嶼
期的 海洋資源 活用 據点 海洋主
住民
未滿
島嶼
長
空間助成 意義
小規模島嶼 差別防止制度
包括補助金制度 施行
大規模島嶼
事業推進 過程
小規模 島嶼
島嶼 位別(特性別) 開 目標
島嶼
多樣
特性
島嶼
樹立
基礎調査
島嶼單位別
中長期開發計劃
事業 重複
島嶼
制度的
島嶼綜合開 計
事業計劃 樹立
部處
計 樹立
優先順位
開發目標
開發目標 設定
年次的 體系
遂行
政策
特徵
自然環境 保存 積極的 生態助成
施設物 建立
景
合理的 細部用途
特別對策
地 制
大
地域空間 隔絶性 解消
連陸
臨界値
連島
持 的 推進
上水道 電力施設
文化 敎育問題
接近性
接近性 改善
島嶼地域
問題點
旅客船 運賃
接近性 問題 解消
國家支援策 擴大
8
方案
船着場 防波堤 護岸道路
完備
島嶼
合理的 政策遂行
島嶼 開發
調査 持續的 遂行
究機
基本調査
綜合的 硏究遂行機關 設立
島嶼活性化
航空便 運航
住民
島嶼政策 硏究 基本
基礎
敎育 指導者 育成
Shin, Soonho(Professor of Mokpo National University)
These days the international interest in the right to the marine has more increased than ever
before. The islands, even though they are located in the outskirt of the Korean peninsula, have
values compared to other mainland areas as a foothold for the marine right and resources, for they
are diverse, contain the peculiar natural environment and hold the tangible or intangible local
cultural heritages. Korea has 3,339 islands in total: 463 inhabited islands(as of the end of 2010) and
2,876 uninhabited.
The development policy on the islands in Korea has been pursued fragmentally and
sporadically for the sake of an individual project by the authorized bureaus before enacting the
island development promoting law in 1986.
The need of the law for the island development policy had been considered during the 1970s.
However, it was in 1986 that all the trials for the law bore fruit. Thanks to enacting the island
development promoting law, the general policy for the island development was established. This
means that the framework for the development policy had been equipped for independent
development plans since the system for the long-term policy didn’t exist. However, there are still so
many remaining problems to pursue the fundamental development considering of the distinct
characteristics of the island area.
9
The general policy for the island development should be pursued as followings:
o By improving the living standard through the organizing and expanding the income and living
infrastructure on the islands, the income and wellbeing of the residents should be promoted.
o For the purpose of the efficiency of development projects through the help and involvement from
the island development project bureau,
·Promoted the first ten-year general island development plan(1988-1997)
·Promoted the second ten-year general island development plan(1998-2007)
·Being promoted the third ten-year general island development plan(2008-2017)
But lately, according to enacting(2004.01.16.) and amending(2011.01.24.) of the Special Act
on Balanced National Development, the 372 islands targeted for the island development plan was
divided into two areas: 186 special situation areas and 186 growth promotion areas. The projects on
the islands in the special situation areas were conducted by the Ministry of Domestic Affairs; the
projects on the islands in the growth promotion areas by the Ministry of Land, Transport and
Maritime.
The island development policies carried out so far has progressed a lot compared to those
enacted before the island development promotion law; however, still many problems remain as
follows:
·Lack of recognition of importance as our territory
·Weakness of settling development direction to the islands
·Weakness of cooperation system between bureaus in the process of carrying out the former
development policies
·Weakness of the organizing system of the bureaus carrying out the former projects
·Lack of investment resources for accomplishing the basic goals
·The different policies have been carried forward in the same island area, depending on the latest
transformation of policies called the overlapped policies, along with the monolithic burden ratio of
local budget and the lack of budgeting of local governments.
10
They caused the unbalance between islands and the confusion in the process of projects. Owing to
carrying out the package subsidy programs, development projects are mostly carried out on the
mainland and some large islands.
To solve these policy problems, the followings are suggested as the reasonable policies.
·The system for carrying out policies
The federal government bureaus should be unified considering the distinct of characteristics of the
islands. And the task system of the exclusive bureaus in the federal government needs to be
reinforced.
·Nominating as a separated development area
According to the Special Act on Balanced National Development, the island areas should be divided
into the special situation areas and the growth promotion areas. And the development policies
should be carried out in terms of the distinct characteristics of an area.
·Planning responding to the changing conditions of the island areas
The development projects should be carried out considering the distinct characteristics of the island
areas different from other mainland areas. The development project planning also should be
established in terms of the changing of living conditions in the island areas along with the project
cost accounts considering the transportation costs and labor costs and the intensive promotion of
projects in case of natural disasters.
·The reasonable adjusting the islands to be developed
The current general island development plan limits the islands to having more than ten residents;
however, the islands having less than ten residents should be included in principle.
·The policy preventing small islands from being discriminated
According to conducting the package subsidy programs, development projects will be worried to be
carried out mainly on the mainland and some large islands. That’s why the institutional strategy
should be needed so that development projects should not be isolated in the process of planning and
implementing.
11
·Planning the general island development containing the goals for the development of an individual
island(an individual special need)
Depending on the sophisticated surveys, the development goals and the project planning should be
built up on the islands as individuals and carried out annually, depending on the middle or long term
planning, setting up the development goals and their priority.
·The policy for preserving the scenic view
To take advantage of the original specialty of the islands, preserving natural environment and
creating active ecosystem should be needed and the reasonable, detailed use zoning should be
introduced.
·The enlarging the building bridge projects
To solve the problems of small area apace and isolation, the projects for building up the bridges
connecting to the mainland and between islands must be continually promoted. These projects will
help overcome the problems of the threshold of facility scale (including facilities for running water,
electric power, and other cultural or educational problems) and improve the living standard of
residents, income, and accessibility.
·The improvement of accessibility
The federal government subsidy for the fare of passenger liners should be enlarged and the decks,
seawalls, roads on the shore bank, and roads in the villages should be equipped. And the facilities
for landing the airplanes should be constructed on some main islands.
·The institution for research and the basic surveys to carry out reasonable policies
By founding the research institutions for conducting the general researches on the island
development, the primary surveys basic to the island development policy should be continuously
conducted. And the residents should be given the chance for education and the leaders who can lead
the vitalization of the island areas should be brought up, too.
12
1732
19
19
26
1893
1
60
7
2
3
36
1,897
45
赤痢
30
天然痘
コレラ
15
0
狂犬病
1月
2月
3月
4月
5月
6月
7月
鎮西日報に掲載された感染症関連記事数の推移
1893年1月∼7月
13
Ken MASUDA (Nagasaki University)
The characteristics of seaport are the exchange of products, people and information. Trading is
the very raison d’être of Nagasaki. Studies presented the fact of direct relationship among people in
Nagasaki, European and Chinese even though those foreigners were still restricted to live in
isolation; the Dutch in Deshima and the Chinese in a settlement. Needless to say, the exchanges of
commodity and people necessarily introduced that of information and knowledge.
Infectious diseases are mainly brought by communication with foreign people. Nagasaki in
Edo period had sufficient conditions for prevailing contagious diseases; the seaport city was open to
foreign country, and densely populated. The rabies (mad dog disease or hydrophobia) was a typical
case that seemed to be brought by Dutch sailors in 1732.
This study focuses on social sanctions to rabies epidemic in late 19th century, at the dawn of
modern communicable diseases control. Social sanctions to rabies have appeared in the wide range:
formal to informal, public health policy making to fear and confusion among residents. Rabies
vaccine had not been established then while vaccination against smallpox had gradually become
common.
Rabies is a viral zoonosis that transmits between human being and other mammals. This
disease was thought to transmit through “biting by mad dog”, at the time when knowledge about
virus was not popularly spread. Consequently, capturing and slaughtering dogs were the only
implementation among then health policies.
Facts on the rabies outbreak in 1893 are found on a daily local newspaper Chinzei-Nippo. All
the articles on infectious diseases and
60
animals from January to July in 1893
was
investigated
and
classified
according to prepared code structure.
Rabies, appearing spread in February,
killed 36 people until March 1894, and
45
disentery
30
smallpox
cholera
15
rabies
consequently 1897 dogs are captured
and killed beaten. Pet dog controls like
collar and identity plate that were
introduced then founded basic public
0
Jan
Feb
Mar
Apr
May
Jun
Jul
Number of articles related to infectious diseases,
January to July 1893,
reported on Chinzei-NIppo NS.
health administration on diseases control, even though it contains mercy killing.
14
It is common knowledge that from the beginning of Meiji to Showa period, ‘Karayuki-san’,
so-called ‘overseas Japanese prostitute’, were involved in prostitution industry in various places of
the world. What made this possible was the power which pushes them out from Japan(women’s
status and role in family, licensed prostitution system, custom of leaving home to find works, etc.),
the power which pulls them toward the place where ‘Karayuki-san’ were in demand(increase in
single male, etc.), and the network which gathers, distributes, and moves them. There are a number
of studies on ‘Karayuki-san’, but they tend to place ‘Karayuki-san’ in the place of departure or
arrival and analysis the push and pull factors. However, research on the network which made
possible for ‘Karayuki-san’ to go abroad and move around, is still not enough. The intention of this
paper is to reveal the network of ‘Karayuki-san’ and place Nagasaki and Singapore inside the
network by looking into their actual living condition based on social history point of view.
Japanese domestic network of ‘Karayuki-san’ spread throughout Kyushu and Kansai area, the
hometown of ‘Karayuki-san’, with centers such as Nagasaki, Moji and Kobe. Among these,
Nagasaki was the primary base of procurers and also the place to raise money for procuring
‘Karayuki-san’. Moreover, Nagasaki established a strong relationship with Hong Kong, Shanghai,
and Singapore, the main cities which absorbed ‘Karayuki-san’, so that it could play a role as a hub
connecting the network inside and outside Japan. Through this network, ‘Karayuki-san’ could go
abroad even before Japan began to expand overseas in earnest
Singapore, which this paper will focus to see the actual living condition of ‘Karayuki-san’, was
the city that had the largest demand for ‘Karayuki-san’ in Southeast Asia. From the 1870s,
‘Karayuki-san’ moved into Singapore working as a prostitute and they gradually formed a district of
Japanese brothel prostitution what were called ‘Suteretsu’. ‘Karayuki-san’ in ‘Suteretsu’ were
incorporated in the licensed prostitution system carried out by the British colonial government.
Meanwhile there were also a considerable number of Japanese sly brothels which were criticized as
a ‘threat to society’.
Once again, as stated above, understanding Nagasaki and Singapore through the network of
‘Karayuki-san’, not only focusing on the place of departure and arrival, but also focusing on the
network between them, is the purpose of this paper.
15
16
吳
Wu!Yushan!(1632F1718)!is!one!of!“six!great!masters!of!the!Qing!Dynasty”!representing!the!landscape!
painting!circle!during!the!Qing!Dynasty.!He!was!one!of!intellectuals!with!fame!who!constructed!his!own!world!
even!in!poetry!and!music!as!well.!The!mission!project!in!China!by!the!Society!of!Jesus!is!closely!related!to!the!
relationships!of!Wu!Yushan!in!1680!with!the!‘contact!zone’!Macau!where!cultures!are!exchanged!between!
Europe!and!Asia.!
Wu!Yushan!received!a!Catholic!name!called!Simon!Xaverius!(西滿 · 沙勿略)!as!he!entered!the!Society!
of! Jesus! formally! in! 1682! and! wrote! many! poems! other! than! 80! poems! of! “Saint! Study! Poem(聖學詩)”!
containing!his!understanding!on!doctrines!for!3!years!in!Macau,!while!praising!ancient!sagas!in!the!Society!of!
Jesus.!30!poems!in!Aozhongzayong!contain!poems!describing!the!natural!and!human!environment!of!Macau!
from!the!perspective!of!Wu!Yushan!as!a!landscape!painter!as!well!as!a!literary!man.
In!this!presentation,!the!Catholic!learning!process!of!Wu!Yushan!will!be!introduced!first!through!poems!
in!Aozhongzayong.!Then,!the!process!for!the!Western!culture!to!be!settled!down!in!Macau!will!be!introduced!
around!the!life!of!people!and!Catholic!events!in!Macau.!Through!them,!we!will!consider!the!meaning!of!the!
seaport!city!in!the!course!of!cultural!contact!between!different!civilizations.
Through!not!a!many!of!poems!reaching!30!poems!in!Aozhongzayong,!various!living!aspects!in!Macau!as!
a!place!for!cultural!interchanges!between!the!East!and!West!during!the!17th!century!are!revealed!in!a!good!
manner.!Especially,!the!life!of!Wu!Yushan!who!learned!Christianity!in!Colégio!de!São!Paulo!at!the!age!of!50!
reveals! the! features! of! a! seaport! city! in! a! good! way,! where! heterogeneous! cultures! were! exchanged.! In!
addition,!as!he!contained!the!meeting!and!change!of!both!the!East!and!West!in!a!special!contact!zone!of!a!
seaport!city!called!Macau!into!phrases!with!seven!characters,!they!could!be!deemed!innovative!in!details.
Conclusions!may!be!led!by!outlining!the!following!two!implications!for!the!meaning!of!“Aozhongzayong”.!
First,! strengths! of! a! painter! Wu! Yushan! are! well! revealed.! As! if! we! evaluate! poems! of! Wang! Wei! as! “a!
painting!in!a!poem!and!a!poem!in!a!painting”,!Wu!Yushan!representing!the!landscape!painting!circle!at!the!
early!Qing!Dynasty!were!observing!the!nature!of!Macau!as!a!priest!of!the!Society!of!Jesus!to!sing!his!agonies!
about!life!and!death!into!poems!in!the!nature!along!the!natural!beauty.!Then,!the!poems!of!Wu!Yushan!are!
well!succeeded!to!the!spirit!of!“poetic!history”!as!a!type!of!poem!in!the!realistic!way!of!Du!Fu.!As!the!poems!
of!Du!Fu!well!reflect!the!image!of!society!at!the!times,!we!call!his!poems!“poetic!history”.!Just!like!that!way,!
the!poems!of!Wu!Yushan!well!reflect!the!living!of!Portuguese,!black!slaves!and!Dan!people!who!lived!around!
Macau!in!the!17th!century.!Especially,!the!poems!about!the!Saint!Xaverius!March!or!Christmas!happening!in!
Macau!are!valuable!data!which!have!never!mentioned!even!in!“Aomenjilüe(『澳門記略』)”!called!the!text!
17
for!the!historical!study!in!Macau.!The!poems!of!Wu!Yushan!have!not!only!the!value!of!poems!but!also!the!
value!for!historical!data!to!show!the!daily!living!which!are!not!recorded!in!the!history.
18
2011
3
11
(1)
(
)
(2)
19
지방중핵도시의 비건폐지(非建ペイ地)의 도시주민에 의한 농적이용의
실태
나가사키대학대학원 수산
환경과학종합연구과 와타나베 타카시
최근 시가지에서는 거주의 불연속성에 의한 비건폐지(非建ペイ地, 일종의 녹지공간)
의 발생과 수요의 저하에 따른 비건폐지의 잔존이 보여진다. 앞으로 인구감소 및 고
령화의 진행이 예측되는 가운데 이러한 현상은 더욱 발생할 것이라고 생각한다. 이러
한 비건폐지에서는 원예 가드닝과 같은 농적(農的) 이용이 많이 이루어진다.
이렇게 농적 이용이 많이 나타나는 요인으로는 고령화에 의해 정년퇴직자 등 농적
이용 종사가 가능한 사람들이 증가함과 동시에, 안전한 식료와 각종 환경문제에 대한
위기의식이 높아짐에 따라 식료생산 환경보전기능과 관계 깊은 농적 공간에 대한 관
심 역시 높아진 것을 들 수 있다.
또한 이러한 농적으로 이용되는 비건폐지는 단순히 이용자의 요구을 충족시킬 뿐
아니라 지속 가능한 거주환경의 형성에 기여하는 공간이다. 2011 년 3 월 11 일 발생한
동일본대지진(東日本大震災, 히가시니혼다이신사이)은 다시 한번 자연재해에 취약한
일본도시의 모습을 드러냈다. 이러한 일본의 자연재해에 대한 리스크는 세계적으로도
높은 수위에 해당한다. 자연재해에 따른 높은 리스크에 대처하기 위해서는 재해가 발
생한다는 것을 전제로 재해의 피해를 줄이고 신속하게 부흥(復興) 가능한 주거환경을
형성하는 것이 중요하다. 이러한 점들이 요구되는 가운데 농적으로 이용되는 비건폐
지는 재해시의 피난장소를 제공하며, 돌발적 단기적인 식료부족을 해소하는 등의 회
복력 있는(Resilient) 주거환경의 형성에 많은 공헌을 할 수 있을 것이다. 이와 같이
거주자가 풍요로운 생활을 누릴 수 있는 회복력 있는 거주환경을 구축하기 위해서는
농적 이용 비건폐지를 활용하는 계획의 검토가 필요하다. 이러한 계획을 검토함에 있
어 비건폐지의 도시주민에 의한 농적 이용 실태 파악을 빼 놓을 수 없다.
상기의 계획 검토가 요구되는 공간 중에서도 지방도시는 그 신속함이 요구되는 공
간 중 하나라 할 수 있다. 왜냐하면 인구감소나 고령화는 대도시보다도 지방 도시에
서 급속히 발생하고 진행속도 또한 빠를 것이라 예측되고 있기 때문이다. 이러한 점
으로 보았을 때, 대도시보다도 지방 도시의 비건폐지가 빠르게 발생하며 동시에 다량
으로 잔존한다고 할 수 있다. 따라서, 도시주민에 의한 비건폐지의 농적 이용에 대한
실태파악이 지방도시에서 먼저 착수 해야만 한다.
이와 같이 본 발표는 지방중핵도시의 하나인 나가사키현(長崎県) 나가사키시（長崎
市）를 대상으로 비건폐지의 도시주민에 의한 농적 이용의 실태를 살펴보고자 한다.
구체적으로는 (1) 나가사키시의 주요한 시가지(사면시가지와 대규모주택지)의 비건폐
지(非建ペイ地)의 발생상황과 그곳의 농적 이용의 실태 (2) 농적 이용에 대한 도시주
민의 의향을 분석한다. 최종적으로는 설명한 결과를 토대로 지방중핵도시의 농적으로
이용된 비건폐지를 활용한 계획의 구축을 위한 지침을 논하고자 한다.
20
2011
50%
51.3%
― A Case Study of ‘Sungang Village’ in Shenzhen―
Xingbin Lian Graduate School of Humanities, Kobe University
In the past 30 years, urbanization has advanced quickly along with industrialization in China.
The ratio of urban population in China reached 51.3% in 2011, which was the first time it exceeded
50%. Although half of the population are currently living in the cities, a lot of problems arose due to
the high-speed urbanization. Different types of migrants move to the city with different purposes,
21
however, most of them can not settle down, as their own lifestyle and values are not urbanized
completely. During the process of urbanization, there are a number of mixed communities existing
between the rural and the urban area called ‘urban village’, which provides accommodation to urban
migrants. The ‘urban village’ plays an important role in preventing the occurrence of the above
problems.
In recent years, citizenization of peasant migrants has become a major issue with their
increased migration from rural to the urban area. Although it is continuously being said that the
difficulty of relocating peasant migrants in the cities is greatly related to the household registration
system, only few studies have actually looked into their subjective opinions. Thus, I focused on the
understanding of the urban migrants’ feeling about their own adaptation issues in the cities, and
examined how they feel about making their own plans for better residence in the future.
I conducted a survey using a structured questionnaire, as well as a semi-structured interview
from a so-called ‘urban village’ in Shenzhen. My analysis showed that their settlement
consciousness in Shenzhen is still not strong enough, although more than half of them tend to stay in
the city. However, it is yet to know which city they are planning to settle themselves down.
I found that the most significant factor of settlement consciousness is the economy, especially
for families with children as the cost of living in the city could be a huge burden for them. Even for
migrants who have settlement consciousness, if they did not have sufficient income to stabilize their
living, they are more likely to leave the city.
In addition, the influence from the family cannot be ignored. The result of my investigation
showed that parents are more likely to be influenced by their children in a household. They pay
more attention to their children than themselves. When opting for settlement, married people focus
more on their own family.
Many migrants chose the ‘urban village’ not because the farming village element still remains
in such area, but also because the rental cost in an ‘urban village’ is cheaper; moreover, the
convenience. However, the further the urbanization progresses, the more indispensable the
reconstruction of the ‘urban village’ gets. This may lead to an increase in the rental cost. Therefore,
the number of cheaper houses for migrants to live in cities may be reduced.
중국의 ‘성중촌(城中村)’의 도시이주자의 정주의식
-선전(深
)시 쑨강촌(
崗村)을 사례로렌 씽빙(고베대학인문학연구과 박사과정)
개혁개방 이후의 중국에서는 공업화와 함께 도시화가 급속히 진행되어 왔다. 중국
의 도시인구비율은 2011 년 처음으로 50%를 넘어 51.3%에 이르렀다. 현재 과반수의
인구는 도시에 거주하고 있으며, 급속한 도시화의 결과 많은 문제가 발생하고 있다.
이러한 도시화에 큰 역할을 한 것이 농촌과 도시 사이에 존재하는 혼합커뮤니티인
‘성중촌(城中村-청중춘)’이며, 이 성중촌에서는 도시에서 일하는 이주자에게 저렴한 주
택을 제공하고 있다.
농촌에서 도시로 이주한 동기는 다양하게 존재하는 가운데, 그들의 활동양식과 가
치관이 완전하게 도시화되지 않고 도시 속에서 정착하지 못한다는 문제가 발생하게
22
된다. 따라서,‘성중촌’은 도시에서 문제가 발생하는 것을 미연에 방지해 왔다고도 할
수 있다.
최근 농촌으로부터 도시로의 이동이 증가함에 따라 농민공(農民工, 농민꽁)의 ‘도시
화’가 큰 문제가 되고 있다. 종래의 관점에서는 농민공이 도시에 정착하지 못하는 원
인이 호적제도와 관련되어 있다고 거론되어왔다. 그러나 호적제도와 같은 사회시스템
적 요인이 아닌 농민공의 주관적인 의식에 대한 연구는 많지 않다.
따라서 발표자는 농민공의 의식에 주목하여 먼저 그 기초적인 작업으로서 도시 정
주(
)에 대한 점을 살펴보고자 한다. 본 발표에서는 선전(深 )의 쑨강촌( 崗村)에
서 실시한 설문조사와 인터뷰조사로부터 얻은 정보와 데이터를 통하여 성중촌(城中村)
에 사는 도시이주자의 정주의식을 분석하였다. 그 결과 선전에서의 정주의식은 높지
않지만 과반수 이상이 농촌이 아닌 도시에서 정주를 생각하고 있다는 점을 알 수 있
었다. 그러나 도시 정주을 생각하더라도 어떤 도시에 정주하는가가 문제이다. 종래의
연구에서는 일반적으로 농민공들은 최종적으로 귀향하는 것으로 분석되어왔지만 현재
에는 그 전망이 불분명한 상황이 되었다.
정주의 규정요인에 대해서는 경제적인 요인이 가장 영향력을 가지고 있다. 특히
결혼 후 자녀를 가진 가정은 도시에서의 생활비가 큰 부담으로 작용하고 있다. 이는
정주를 원하는 사람들도 안정적인 생활을 할 수 없을 경우 현재 거주하는 도시를 떠
날 가능성이 높다.
또한, 경제적요인 외에도 가족관계의 영향도 무시할 수 없다. 조사결과를 살펴보면
부모세대는 자신보다 자녀들을 우선적으로 생각하고 있다. 이러한 점은 도시 정주에
있어서 자녀들의 영향이 크다는 것을 알 수 있다. 또한, 도시 정주을 정할 때 기혼자
들은 가족들의 상황을 중시하는 경향을 보인다.
많은 도시 이주자가 성중촌(城中村)을 선택한 것은 성중촌에 농촌적인 요소가 남아
있기 때문이 아니라 단순히 그 곳의 집값이 싸고 편리하기 때문이다. 그러나 도시화
가 진행되는 장래에는 성중촌에 대한 개조 재건은 필수불가결하고, 이에 따라 집값은
크게 상승할 것이다. 그렇기 때문에 도시이주자가 저렴하게 살 수 있는 환경이 점점
사라지게 될 것이라 염려된다.
23
The purpose of this thesis focuses mainly on the Taiwan’s 319 Township Progression Activities
for the local people which were proposed in the 1990's that emphasizes strongly on tourism related
activities.
First, I intend to bring forth the publishing company called Common Wealth Magazine that was
highly involved in this proposal.
Second, I examine how the publishing companies show the tourism sector through the
newspapers in 2001.
Thirdly, I look at how the editing process of the magazines help readers discovers the beauty of
Taiwan's local culture.
And last but not least, I also take notice of the 12 popular bloggers who used travel blogs to guide
travelers to tourist attractions.
타이완의
을 둘러싼 고찰
쑤우원진(고베대학대학원 인문학연구과)
본고는 타이완의 ‘319
向前行(319 개의
과 向의 마을 활성화 운동)’활동에 주목하여
이 활동이 어떠한 것이었는지를 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 먼저 이 활동에 관련된 주
체를 중심으로 그들에 의해서 어떻게 추진되었는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 또한, 잡지 미디어
의 주목에 따른 타이완이라는 향토가 어떻게 재구축되었는가 그리고 잡지의 영향을 받은
24
독자가 어떻게 지역문화를 소비해 가는가를 밝히고자 한다.
본고에서는 먼저 이 활동의 추진 과정에서 중요한 역할을 담당했던 인물과 관계가 있는
천하잡지(天下 誌)라고 하는 출판사를 소개하는 동시에 ‘319
向前行’활동이 추진된 배경,
이유, 목적 등을 검토한다. 그리고 이 활동이 추진된 2001 년 당시의 상황에 대하여 신문
기사를 이용하여 어떠한 형태로 추진되었는가에 대하여 살펴보겠다.
마지막으로 이 활동에 관한 관광관련 잡지나 패스포트의 편집과정의 추이를 분석한다.
잡지
미디어를 통하여 독자에게 타이완 각지의 지역문화의 아름다움을 전달하고, 향토의
문화를 소비하게하는 과정에 대하여 인기 블로그 편집자 12 명이 공동출판한 여행기와 신
문기사를 바탕으로 사람들의 관광활동을 통한 지역문화의 소비과정의 여러가지 모습을 밝
히고자 한다.
25
1
2
It has been pointed out that the societies of Chinese merchants in Japan were
placed under the framework of the Japanese legal system, and therefore they were not
able to develop remarkable ability to create communities spontaneously. However,
before the abrogation of the unequal treaty, right after the Sino-Japanese War,
Chinese merchants in Japan built their own communities spontaneously in residential
areas for foreigners under the consular jurisdiction. This means that, without a real,
historical understanding of the institutional framework of consular jurisdiction in
terms of the legal system, we cannot see the archetype of the societies of Chinese
merchants in Japan. Although a large number of researches have been carried out into
this topic, they tend to carry out merely a general survey of the history. It is true that
they refer to the relationship between the administrative organ and the local Chinese
communities, but not enough attempts have been made to consider what they do, how
they cooperate, by illustrating specific examples. In this paper, I use the records of
lawsuits in Nagasaki, in addition to materials in the Diplomatic Archives of Foreign
Affairs of Japan, and focus on how the legal proceedings between Japan and China
were instituted in each open port.
Through close examination of the historical records, I have corroborated the
following facts: (i) When lawsuits are filed between the Japanese and Chinese people,
the plaintiff’s official was basically supposed to go to the defendant’s court and attend
the trial. (ii) Trials in open ports were held in conformity with the actual circumstances
26
in each port. To put it more specifically, Japanese were not involved in the lawsuit
between two Chinese parties. In that case, adhering to the Sino-Japanese Amity
Treaty, the Chinese Consulate had the specific function of judging the case in
accordance with Chinese custom.
Furthermore, on the basis of the records of lawsuits in Nagasaki, I have
discussed that the judgments by the Chinese Consulate did not rigorously obey the
laws and regulations, but they judged flexibly depending on circumstances.
나가사키 소송관계사료로 본 근대 일중
영사재판권의 운용
카와구치 히토미(고베대학인문학연구과)
일본 화교(華僑)사회는 일본국의 법적 제도의 틀에 의해 화교 스스로의 자주적인 커뮤니티형
성이 미약하다고 지적되어왔다. 그러나 일청전쟁 직후 불평등조약이 폐기되기 이전의 일본화교
는 영사재판권 하에서 외국인의 거주 허가구역에서 자립적인 화교사회가 형성되어 있었다. 그
렇기 때문에 메이지(明治) 시기의 영사재판권의 제도적인 골격을 법제적인 사실(史 )을 통하여
정확히 이해하지 않으면 일본화교사회의 원형(祖形)을 보기 힘들다. 지금까지의 선행연구에서
는 통사적 개관(
)의 측면이 강했고 재단(裁 ) 과정에서 행정기관과 현지 화교 커뮤니티와
의 관계성에 대한 언급은 이루어졌지만, 실제 무엇을 어떻게 서로 협력했었는지에 대한 구체
적인 사례를 통한 논리적 고찰은 아직까지 충분히 진행되지 않았다. 본 연구는 외교사료관 소
장사료(史料), 특히, 나가사키 소송관계사료를 통하여 일본과 중국간의 소송처리에 대하여 실제
각 개항장에서 구체적으로 어떻게 처리되었었는가라는 점에 논점을 맞추었다.
사료의 정밀한 분석을 통하여 이하의 사실들을 확인 할 수 있었다. (1) 일본과 중국의 인민
(人民)간에 소송이 일어났을 때는 원고측 관리가 피고측 재판소에 출장하여 관심( 審)하는 기
본 절차가 있다. (2) 각 개항장에서 실제로 일어난 관심( 審)은 각 개항장 실정에 대응하여 실
시하였고, 중국인 사이의 재단(裁 )에 대해서는 일본인 관여가 보이지 않았다. 또한, 일청수호
조규(日 修好 規)에 따라 설치된 이사청(理事府)이 일본에서 자국의 관습에 따라 재단(裁 )
한다 라고 하는 독립한 기능을 가지고 있었다.
특히, 나가사키의 소송관계 사료를 통하여, 그 재판방법도 무조건적으로 엄격하게 법규에 따
른 방법을 취하는 것이 아니라 어느 정도의 상황에 맞춰가는 유연한 대응이 이루어졌음을 고
찰하였다.
27
Joy Kogawa
Obasan
,1981
(testimony)
Kogawa
memoirs
Rahna Reiko
Rizzuto
Hiroshima in the Morning (2010)
Rizzuto
2001
9
11
6
Steven Okazaki
Light/Black Rain (
Marianne Hirsh
White
, 2007)
postmemory
The Representations and Memory in Literature”
Hideyuki Yamamoto (Kobe University)
A considerable number of Japanese American/Canadian writers have dealt with “Hiroshima
and Nagasaki,” a collective memory of the traumatic experience after America’s atomic bombings
on the two Japanese cities, in their literary works. For instance, in Joy Kogawa's novel Obasan
(1981), the grim testimony of the survivors in the aftermath of the atomic bombing at Nagasaki
arouses the protagonist Naomi’s traumatic memory of her mother’s sufferings and illuminates
“Nagasaki” as a literary representation through the two letters from the distant past. Importantly,
though not a hibakushia (atomic bomb survivor), Kogawa successfully gives a graphic and vivid
account of atomic bomb-stricken city of Nagasaki and of the survivors as well as the victims there
28
by using an assumedly factual literary form of testimony in letters.
As is often the case with war literature or narratives of historical trauma, (Japanese and)
Japanese American atomic bomb literature tends to adopt another factual literary form—memoirs.
Unlike Japanese American memoirs dealing with the authors’ firsthand experience of the atomic
bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Rahna Reiko Rizzuto’s memoir Hiroshima in the Morning
(2010) tries to revive a collective memory of the traumatic past by positioning and repositioning her
identity in the process of interviewing the hibakushas in Hiroshima for six months, before and after
the 9/11 terrorist attack in 2001. The Rizzuto’s unique memoir employs not only literary modes of
testimonies, diaries, and letters but also a cinematic technique of documentary interview. I will focus
on this Rizzuto’s cinematic technique by comparing with a Japanese American filmmaker Steven
Okazaki's documentary film about the atomic bomb survivors, White Light/Black Rain (2007).
The objective of this paper is to explore the function and possibility of literary memory in
Japanese American literary works dealing with the traumatic past of “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” in
their factual literary forms of testimony and memoirs by referring to current concepts of cultural
memory such as Marianne Hirsh’s “postmemory.”
29
The Thousand Autumns of Jacob de Zoet
2010
18
The Imag(i)nation of Gaijin in David Mitchell’s The Thousand Autumns of Jacob de Zoet
Through reading David Mitchell’s The Thousand Autumns of Jacob de Zoet (2010), this paper
tends to examine the images and imaginations of gaijin created by the Dutch colonizers of Dejima in
Edo Japan. How does the protagonist, a VOC clerk Jacob de Zoet, imagine his homeland from the
East and to what extent can his imaginations of home help relieve the anxiety of being
homelessness? In addition to the analysis of gaijin, this paper also works to discuss the influence of
the Dutch Learning on the secluded Japan during the turn of the eighteenth century. Exercised in the
name of the shogun (
), Japan locks herself up and the Dutch study becomes the only means she
learns about the world. How can the foreign “Rangaku” assist the midwife, Orito, to rid off the label
30
of gaijin simply because she bears a birthmark on her face? In what ways can she project Dejima as
her imaginary homeland and consequently find a mind at ease?
Different from the other imperialists who are mostly soldiers or missionaries as they participate
in the colonial expansions, the Dutch colonizers in Japan are comparatively businessmen and
doctors. How do they add supplement to Homi Bhabha’s elucidation of the colonial exploitations?
On the other hand, the Japanese compradors described in the story have no direct involvement with
colonialism, but they strategically choose to keep their head down in front of the huge profits from
colonial usurpations. To what degree can they expand Bhabha’s observations of the colonized who
are almost but not quite the same as the colonizers? The other middlemen in the story are the Dutch
language translators. How do they utilize translation to unlock the chained country? Does their
translation make any significant difference from Bhabha’s “mimicry”? From which aspect can
David Mitchell’s intervention and invention of history as well as his depiction of the imaginary
homeland contrapuntally make an epitome of Salman Rushdie’s postcolonial stories?
Keywords: imagination, image, home, the estranged, gaijin
31
Burnt Shadows
16
20
Burnt
Shadows
“Nagasaki-and-beyond”
Burnt Shadows
2009
malady of tolerance
Nagasaki and Cosmopolitanism in Burnt Shadows
Nagasaki has often been associated with atomic bomb for foreigners. Nagasaki, however, has
undergone from the mid-16th-century Portuguese, throughout the Tokugawa Shogunate and Dejima,
to Cho Cho San at the turn of the twentieth century and to the atomic bomb. Historical twists and
turns endow the port/visible city with a literary imagination unique in its own right. Burnt Shadows
begins its narrative with the wartime Nagasaki only to end with a message of Nagasaki-and-beyond.
This paper argues that dissenters, foreigners and translators undergird a Nagasakian brand of
cosmopolitanism in Burnt Shadows (2009). This reading takes Nagasaki as a heuristic tool to
understand Barry Lewis’ claims of the tragedies of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as part of “our future as
well as our past, a permanent imaginative state of threatened being” and of “the bombing of Japan
32
are warnings of dangers that lie ahead” (41). In turn, it also addresses the ways in which its heroine
embodies a Nagasakian cosmopolitanism different from what Puccini presents in Madame Butterfly
given the global transformations that inform the ways wars and worlds are currently understood.
Hibakusha, scarred by war, is almost an ordinary human being in the sense that s/he had suffered
death-in-life so much so s/he figures prominently in an in-between experience, of which
border-crossings are included. This reading contends that border figures of this kind are essential to
forging a cosmopolitics, which Isabelle Stengers sees as a cure for what she calls “the malady of
tolerance.”
33
16
Kazunori Hayanagi
It is difficult to call up a single unified image of the city of Nagasaki. The propagation of
Catholicism and oppression of its adherents, the trade with the Netherlands and China during
Japan’s period of national isolation, the acceptance of Western culture, atomic devastation, and the
rise and fall and revival of “Battleship Island”—each of these events in the early and late modern
34
periods constitutes its own facet of the experiences of this city. However, these images do not come
together to make up a gestalt; rather, they remain present but separate, competing parts of the city’s
identity.
One reason for this is that Nagasaki has two centers: the old town, which has been since the
16th century not only a political center but also a symbolic center of the city, and Urakami district,
which was “ground zero” of the atomic bomb explosion in 1945. These centers, one of which
emerged in the early modern period and the other in the late modern period, have led to two
different orders of meaning, which lie concurrently over the same city.
Another reason is that many historical events that have occurred in the city remain only as
traces. We can find the traces of the oppression of Nagasaki Catholics in many documents and some
historic remains. However, even if we can see them, it is hard to visualize Nagasaki as “the totally
Catholic town” described by Luís Fróis in the 16th century. Similarly, we can sense the reality of the
terrible devastation caused by the atomic bomb through the objects exhibited in the Nagasaki
Atomic Bomb Museum and by reading the testimony of the survivors. But, when we place
ourselves in today’s Urakami district, it is not easy to imagine the city that was devastated in a flash
by the atomic bomb.
The issue at play here is one of perception and imagination peculiar to the modern era: we
experience difficulty in representing events such as the religious oppression and the atomic bombing
referred to above, because we tend to seek “the ultimate source of legitimacy” (Husserl) in
perception and above all visuality, making them the key to recognizing the presence of any being or
event. Since the modern era, the visual mode has fundamentally ruled the relationship between man
and the world. It has become less common in the present world that the existence of a being that
cannot be grasped by perceptual organs or detected by artificial sensors is recognized among people.
The work of Yūichi Seirai (1958–), a Nagasaki-based novelist, can be understood as an
exploration of possible ways of getting out of the aporia surrounding the representation of Nagasaki
and its experiences. By way of his layered conception of the periods from the early modern to the
present and his imagining of the existences excluded by modern ways of knowing and perceiving,
Seirai represents experiences of Nagasaki in each text that have been part of a split gestalt or
cumulation of fragments, as if he were doing multiple-exposure photography.
세이라이유우이치
와 나가사키
의 표상
-혹은 세상에 존재하는 것의 승인을 둘러싸고
하야나기 카즈노리(나가사키대학)
나가사키(長崎)라는 도시를 하나의 큰 이미지로 떠올리는 것은 어렵다. 카톨릭 포교와 탄
압,
쇄국시대의 네덜란드와 중국과의 교역, 근대서구문화의 유입, 원폭피해, 군칸지마(軍
艦島).
이러한 근세
근대사상 사건은, 저마다 이 도시의 경험의 하나로서 자리하였지만,
이것은 하나의 게슈탈트를 만드는 것이 아니라, 오히려 복수의 게슈탈트가 서로를 주변화
하고 있는 것이다.
그 이유 중 하나는
나가사키에는 두 곳의 중심지가 있기 때문이다. 즉, 16 세기 이후 일
35
관해서 정치적으로도 상징적으로도 중심지였던 구시가지와 원폭피해중심지=그라운드제로
였던 우라카미(浦上)지구이다. 근세와 근대, 각각을 기원으로 하는 두 곳의 중심지는, 다른
양식의 의미질서를 형성하며 그것들이 하나의 도시 위에 중층되어 있다.
또 다른 하나의 이유는 나가사키에서 일어난 역사적 사건의 대부분이 도시의 표층에 얼
마 되지 않는 단편이나 흔적으로 밖에 남아있지 않기 때문이다.
카톨릭에 대한 탄압의
흔적을 문서자료나 몇몇의 유물에서 찾아 보는 것은 가능하다. 그러나 이러한 것들을 찾
을 수 있다 하여도 구시가지 거리에서 서양의 선교사 루이스 프로이스(Luís Fróis) 가 이
야기 한 ‘마을 전체가 거의 크리스찬인 마을’이라는 말을 상상하기는 어렵다. 혹은, 원폭피
해의 실상을 자료관의 전시나 피해자들의 증언을 통해서 짐작하는 것은 가능할지 몰라도,
현재의 우리카미 땅에서 한 순간에 原子野화된 거리를 떠올리기는 쉽지 않다. 그 배경에
는 근 현대라고 하는 시대고유의 지각知 과 상상력의 문제가 가로놓여있다. 우리들이 탄
압이나 피해라는 사건을 상상하는 것에 어려움을 느끼는 것은, 우리들이 사물이나 현상의
존재를 승인하는 ‘최종적인 정당성의 원천‘(Husserl Edmund、후설)을 지각적으로, 특히
시각적으로 요구하기 때문이다. 지각의 우위는 근대 이후 인간과 세계의 관계를 근저부터
규정하고 있다. 그런 이유로, 지각되지 않은 것, 혹은 그 연장선으로 인공센서에 감지되지
않는 존재가 사람들 사이에서 승인 되는 경우는 흔치 않다.
나가사키에 거주하는 작가 세이라이 유이치(
有一)의 작업은 나가사키라는 도시의 경
험과 그 표상을 둘러 싼 아포리아(Aporia)의 외부로 나오기 위한 가능성의 탐구라고 평가
할 수 있다. 근세부터 현재까지를 중첩하는 시간으로 파악하는 구성력과, 근대의 지(知)와
지각이 배제한 것을 환시(幻視)라 여기고, 승인하는 상상력에 의해 세이라이는 분열한 게
슈탈트, 혹은 단편이 집적되어있는 도시 나가사키의 경험을, 필름을 다중노출 하듯이 표상
하고 있다.
36
2
6
6
21
Takeshi Shinki
Nagasaki, which had lost the privileged position under the national isolation policy (Sakoku) at
the end of Edo period, was planning to develop trade mainly in the Nagasaki port and promoting the
industrialization as a munitions and tourist city after the Meiji Period. At the end of World War
,
America made six air raids on Nagasaki, and the chief target was its city area, which had developed
centering around the Mitsubishi shipyard and the Nagasaki port. However, in the sixth air raid, the
atomic bomb was dropped and exploded in the sky above Urakami, the industrial area in the
northern part of Nagasaki city. As a result, about 70,000 out of 210,000 people in Nagasaki city
were killed in this disaster. Nevertheless, the city center, located beyond the mountain, was able to
avoid direct damage compared with Urakami area.
With respect to restoration in the postwar period, both government and people expected a
reconstruction focusing on trade and tourism. The Nagasaki war damage city reconstruction
committee also made a reconstruction plan as a trade city or a tourist city. Therefore the
rehabilitation of Urakami, the destroyed area, was almost abandoned at the beginning.
37
However, Nagasaki city was not able to receive a subsidy from the national treasury and make
little progress of reconstruction. At that time Hiroshima city tried to make the Peace
commemoration city construction law with a view to receiving a special subsidy from the national
treasury. Nagasaki city had an eye on it, making the Nagasaki international cultural city construction
law and emphasizing that the atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki put an end to the war. Establishing.
Then it established a memorial facility in Urakami area and came to appeal for “peace”. However,
this “peace” was just a slogan aiming to receive a subsidy and the destroyed area was regarded as an
object of tourism.
As Hiroshima became totally destructed by the atomic bomb and found it impossible to revive
as a military-based city, it restarted by forming the identity based on “peace.” On the other hand,
Nagasaki, where its city area continued to function, tried to reconstruct centering around trade and
tourism taking advantage of the atomic destruction. After that, in Nagasaki, the identity as the trade
and tourism city which has been formed around the port has been struggling with the identity as “the
peace city” based on the atomic destruction.
38
20
67
1980
2000
Tominaga, Satomi
After several decades since the end of World War II, people had come to realize the
importance of passing on the memories about tragic experiences. In Nagasaki, one of those
tragedy which should be succeeded is the Atomic bombing. Survivors started to talk their bleeding
experiences.
In 2000s, in Nagasaki, several activities to succeed survivors’ narratives to next generation
started. Most of people in those activities were born after 1945, and are expected to be narrators
instead of aged survivors. However, new narrators in next generation often mention that they are
having difficulties while being engaged in activities. This is due to the common assumption that
“only those who experienced can express the reality.”
How a person who did not witness the tragedy can communicate the reality to others? I
probe the causes of difficulties the new generation encounter, and find another approach to
overcome it through analyzing the narratives by Peace-Guides.
The Peace-Guides including
myself usually provide explanations to tourists about the Atomic bombing and the damage. Their
activities are thought to be one of representatives to succeed survivors’ memories.
39
이야기 계승
의 과제와 가능성
-나가사키 평화안내인 활동의 실천으로부터 검토토미나가 사토미 (나가사키대학대학원 수산환경과학연구과 박사후기과정)
최근 20 세기에 일어난 일의 기억을 계승하는 시도가 활발하게 이루어지고 있다. 특히,
제 2 차세계대전을 둘러싼 기억의 계승에 대해서는 종전(
)부터 67 년이 경과한 지금
시급하고 중요한 과제이기도 하다. 왜냐하면 경험자로부터 직접 이야기를 들을 수 있
는 기회가 조만간 사라질 것이라 예측되기 때문이다.
현재 나가사키(
)의 경우, 피폭
을 둘러싼 이야기는 그 이야기의 계승이 필요한
대표적 활동 중 하나이다. 1980 년 이후, 피폭자 스스로가 이야기 전달자로서 피폭과 그
후의 생활을 이야기 해왔지만 피폭자의 고령화와 이야기 전달자의 감소라는 문제가 전
경화(
)한 2000 년대에 이르러, 그들의 이야기를 계속해서 다음 세대에 전하는 전
달자가 필요하게 되었다. 이 차세대 이야기 전달자들은 비경험자인 동시에 이야기 전
달자의 계승자로서 피폭에 대하여 이야기 하는 역할을 담당하고 있다. 그러나 어떤 일
의 경험자가 그것에 대하여 말하는 경우와 비경험자가 계승된 이야기를 전달하는 경우
는 그 일에 대한 표상(
)의 방법에서 차이가 발생한다. 비경험자가 경험자와 같은
수준의 이야기를 하는 것은 어렵다. 실제로, 이러한 것은 이야기 전달자의 계승활동을
실천하고 있는 당사자들이 ‘피폭경험을 이야기하는 것은 오로지 피폭자만이 할 수 있
다’고 생각하고 점에서도 자명하게 알 수 있다. 즉 비경험자들은 자신이 실천하고 있
는 활동 속에 내포한 ‘비경험자의 입장에서 경험하지 못한 사실에 대하여 완벽한 이야
기 전달이 불가능’ 하다는 점도 고려해야 한 후, 최대한 경험자의 이야기에 가깝게 전
달할 수 있는 방법을 모색해야 하는 것이다.
본 연구에서는 비경험자(계승하는 측)의 대표조직인 ‘평화안내인(
)’의 활동
에 주목해 그들의 활동에 내재한 과제 및 그것을 극복하기 위하여 어떠한 활동이 가능
한지를 살펴보겠다. 또한, 실제 평화안내인으로 등록한 발표자의 체험에도 근거하여 검
토하고자 한다. 이 검토가 비경험자가 경험하지 못한 일들을 이야기하는 것에 대하여
고찰하는데 일조하길 바란다.
40
Sungrak Choi(Mokpo National Univeersity)
The most salient feature in cultural transformation of the Yeongsan River Basin during the
3rd
4th century was the change in mortuary practice from Jukumyo to the mound
jar-coffin tombs.
Although Jukumyo initially came to light in the central part of the Peninsula, it is found
throughout the entire southwestern part of Korea including the Yeongsan River Basin. It is
now recognized that Jukumyo was the main burial system in the Yeongsan River Basin
from the 1st to the 3rd century. The shape of the encircling ditches changed from square to
oval, and finally to trapezoid. By the late 3rd century, Jukumyo gave way to small mound
tombs containing large jar-coffins, which occurred only in the Yeongsan River Basin,
rendering the jar-coffin tombs as a cultural feature unique to the this region.
At the end of the 5th century, the mound stone-chamber tombs appeared, along with
unique keyhole shaped tombs. Especially, 13 keyhole shaped tombs scattered around the
Yeongsan River Basin brought on many mysteries and opinions are divided on the
characteristics of the tombs. I believe the buriers of the tombs are regional people and the
style of the tombs are result of exchange with Japan.
According to ancient records, including documents from China, there were several
small polities in the Yeongsan River Basin during this period, but there is no evidence
suggesting any political unification until the end of the 5th century. The ancient Yeongsan
River Basin society is called by various names; a popular one is Mahan or sometimes
jar-coffin society. However, the ancient Yeongsan River Basin society should be named
according to documented records. Therefore, this society at the late 4th century should not
be called Mahan according to the archaeological characters. The entity of the Yeongsan
River Basin from the late 4th to the end of 5th century can be seen as the Shinmi-Jegug (新
彌諸國, various small countries representing Shinmi) which shows up in Chinese records
until the late 3rd century. What I would like to do is to explore the internal perspective and
identify the ancient society from a preexisting regional power.
Even though the Yeongsan River Basin was under the influence of Baekje, it still kept
its unique culture until the end of the 5th century, when it was directly integrated into
Baekje.
에 있어서
의
과
41
42
19
19
Japan’s overseas trade during the early modern period is understood to have been a ‘closed
nation’ (sakoku) trade that was backed up by the strong regulation and control of Tokugawa
shogunate government (this was trade that was restricted with respect to trading partner nations, the
types of merchandise, their monetary value, the quantities, etc. by the Tokugawa shogunate). The
commonly accepted understanding is that illegal trade was an irregular and prohibited activity that
had to dodge its way past multiple layers of a pervasive control perimeter, but that beginning in the
43
early 19th century it had spread out all along the coast of Kyushu, centered on Nagasaki, and that it
was a factor leading to the crumbling of the ‘closed nation’ trading system. In this paper, along with
re-examining this conventional understanding from the viewpoint of Nagasaki’s inhabitants, I would
like to consider the influence that this somewhat distorted form of transnational exchange had on the
regional society centered around Nagasaki.
To the inhabitants of Nagasaki, this illegal trade was seen as a legitimate right of trading
merchants, trade that had been carried on since the medieval period as a special local privilege but
which had been stolen from them by the Tokugawa shogunate government. Because of that, in the
early days of the shogunate, trading activities, including illegal trade, were tacitly recognized by the
government as a realm in which it should not intervene against the inhabitants of the Nagasaki area.
For example, a political society was constructed that was unique to Nagasaki in which the Nagasaki
bugyo (a shogunate official dispatched from the central government), the bugyosho yakunin
(officials of the government agency with jurisdiction over Nagasaki), Nagasaki townspeople, and
foreigners all tried to coexist together while respecting each other’s mutual interests. Also, the
daimyo lord who ruled an extensive territory around Nagasaki, in response to the shogunate’s
crackdown on illegal trade within his territory, made sure there were escape routes so that his own
violations would not come into question. Moreover, the jiyakunin (Nagasaki citizens who served in
specialized positions under the Nagasaki bugyo, such as traders, interpreters, and police) who were
active in the front line of enforcing the ban against illegal trade, at times, while accepting bribes,
would contrive to lend their influence in overlooking discovered infractions, the forging of
documents, and rendering of jiso (reductions in sentencing in return for confessing one’s crimes). In
other words, ‘closed nation’ trade was not something that rose up through the strict administration
and control of the Tokugawa shogunate, but in actuality the mechanisms for avoiding friction that
were put into effect by the local inhabitants centered around Nagasaki functioned as a means of
mediation, so that direct opposition to the shogunate over conducting trade would not boil up to the
surface, and they worked to preserve a balance, although it was an uneasy one.
However, in the late 19th century, suffering under foreign pressure and fiscal difficulties, the
Tokugawa shogunate strengthened its restrictions on trade, and this balance collapsed. The
mechanisms that had been forged at Nagasaki for avoiding frictions, when seen from Edo, were
‘unjust,’ ‘illegal,’ and ‘collusive,’ and were regarded as a problem of a ‘breakdown of law and order.’
This can be understood as a situation where the ‘closed nation’ trading system, which had lost the
means of mediating between the various actors, could no longer hold back the erupting structural
contradictions of the system, and principally around Nagasaki it fell into dysfunction.
근세 나사사키
의 밀무역과 도시사회
소에다 히토시
근세 일본의 대외무역은 도쿠가와막부( 川幕府)의 강력한 관리 통제하에서 유지되었
던 ‘쇄국’무역<도쿠가와막부에 의한 상대국, 상품의 종류, 금액, 수량 등 한정된 무역>
으로 이해 할 수 있다. 밀무역은 이 여러 겹 둘러싸인 방어선을 빠져나가 이루어진
비일상적인 금단의 소행이었지만, 19 세기에 들어서 나가사키를 중심으로 한 큐슈(九州)
44
연안 일대에 횡행하였으며, 이러한 점은 ‘쇄국’무역의 붕괴를 가져온 한 요인이 되었
다고 통설적으로 이야기 할 수 있다. 본 발표에서는 이러한 통설적인 이해를 나가사
키 주민의 시점으로 재검토하는 동시에 조금은 일그러진 형태의 트랜스네셔널적인 교
류가 나가사키를 중심으로 한 지역사회에 가져다 준 영향에 대해서 고찰해 보고자 한
다.
나가사키 주민에 있어 밀무역은 중세 이후 무역을 행했던 지역의 특권을 도쿠가와막
부에 빼앗긴 무역상인의 정당한 권리로서 파악되어 왔다. 때문에 당초 도쿠가와막부
는 밀무역을 포함한 무역거래에 대하여, 막부가 간섭 할 수 없는 영역을, 나가사키 주
변의 주민들에게 암묵적으로 인정해 주고 있었다. 예를 들면, 나가사키 부교(奉行)<정
권중추로부터 파견된 막부의 관료>
부교쇼야쿠닌(奉行所役人)<정권이 나가사키를 총
괄하는 관청의 관료> 나가사키쵸닌(長崎町人) 외국인, 이 사이에서는 각 주체의 이익
을 상호 존중하면서 전체로서 공존을 생각한 나가사키 고유의 정치사회가 구축되어
있었다. 또한, 큐슈의 다이묘(大名)<나가사키 주변의 광대한 영지를 통치하는 영주>는
영내에서의 막부에 의한 밀무역의 단속에 대해, 자신의 죄를 추궁 당하지 않게 빠져
나갈 길을 준비해두었었다. 나아가, 밀무역 단속의 최전선에서 활약했던 지야쿠닌(地
役人)<나가사카 부교의 무역, 통역, 경찰 등의 전문적인 업무를 담당했던 나가사키쵸
닌>은 때로는 뇌물을 받아가며, 적발 현장을 눈감아 주는 행위, 문서위조, 자소(自
訴)<죄를 자백해서 감형 받는 것>의 연출과 같은 편의의 제공을 꾀하였었다. 즉 ‘쇄국’
무역은 도쿠가와막부에 의한 철저한 관리 통제의 의해 성립한 것이 아니라, 실질적으
로는 무역관리를 둘러싼 막부와의 대립관계가 표면화하지 않도록 나가사키를 중심으
로 한 지역사회의 주민에 의한, 마찰을 회피하기 위한 장치가 완충재로 기능하고 있
었던 것으로, 불안정하긴 하지만 그 균형을 유지했던 것이다.
그러나 19 세기말 외압이나 재정난 등의 영향에 의해 도쿠가와막부의 무역규제가 강
화되면서 그 균형이 무너졌다. 나가사키에서 조절 중이었던 마찰회피의 장치는 에도
(
)의 시각에서는 ‘부정’, ‘불법’, ‘공모’, 또는 ‘기강해이(綱紀弛緩)’로 문제화되었다. 각
주체 사이에서 완충재를 잃은 ‘쇄국’무역은 분출하는 구조적 모순을 해결하지 못하고,
나가사키를 중심으로 한 기능부전에 빠지게 되었다고 볼 수 있을 것이다.
45
神戸大学 朝治俊輔
19
18
Asaji Shunsuke, Kobe University
Until now, it has been widely assumed that Britain is a successful country at sea for always from
early modern. People treated naval power as the symbol of triumph that guaranteed British
hegemony in 19th century. It is just one aspects of British maritime history, however.
Research on southeast coast of England sheds new light on another aspect. Authorities suffered from
ancient maritime customs, for instance wrecking, privateering and smuggling. Especially smuggling
became recognized as a serious problem in 18th century. In that period, English government
attempted determining their boundaries in order to collect duties and customs correctly for war
expenditure. Coastal residents who were banned free trade with other coastal residents opposed
restriction like this. They frequently did every possible avoiding paying duty. The authority labeled
such actions ‘smuggling’, and tried to control strictly illegal trade. Under such circumstances a large
quantity of tea was trade illegally by a lot of smugglers in 18th century. At the drawn of the 19th
century other commodities (e.g. tobacco, brandy and so on) took the place of the most popular
smuggled goods. Problems of smuggling were debated in British Parliament over and over again.
According to Parliamentary Papers, my presentation explains that coastal residents couldn’t
46
comprehend life without smuggling. Not only ordinary people but also officer of customs and even
country gentlemen related to illegal trade. In addition, evidences in Parliamentary Papers and
newspapers showed changes how people think about smuggling. Through the early part of the 19th
century coastal residents who thought it was bad habit increased in number gradually.
밀수
와 함께 살아가다
– 19 세기 콘월 (Cornwall) 지방의 항구도시와 비합법무역아사지 슌스케(고베대학대학원 인문학연구과)
일반적으로 근대 영국은 세계에서 가장 뛰어난 해양제국이라는 이미지가 강하다. 특
히 나폴레옹전쟁(The Napoleonic Wars) 이후, 19 세기에는 한층 더 강력한 해상의 패
권을 쥐게 되었다. 그러나 지역적으로 본다면 이는 당시의 바다를 둘러싼 하나의 측
면에 지나지 않았음이 분명하다. 콘월(Cornwall)을 중심으로 한 영국 남부 연안지역
에는 남파선약탈을 시작으로 전근대부터 계속된 관행이 여전히 남아있었기 때문에,
당국자를 근심케했다. 그 중에서도 가장 큰 부분이 밀수를 비롯한 비합법교역이다. 영
국과 프랑스의 해협을 넘어서 행해진 교역활동은, 국경을 명확히 정의하여 관세를 확
보하려는 통치자의 이해와 충돌하여 범죄로 여겨졌다. ‘밀수’란 국민국가성립의 뒷모습
이라 할 수 있다. 그 중에서도, 18 세기에 홍차가 대량으로 밀수된 데에 대한 여러 가
지 연구가 존재하지만 그 후의 연구는 부족한 실정이다. 이후에도 담배나 브랜디를
비롯한 여러가지 물품이 은밀히 관세를 피해 영국으로 건너감에 따라, 의회에서도 몇
번이나 조사를 벌여 반복방지를 위한 법률을 제정하였다.
본 보고에서는, 이러한 의회에 의한 조사기록 중, 콘월사람들의 생활이 일상적으로
밀수와 관계되어 있음을 제시한다. 이러한 비합법교역은 연안의 주민뿐만 아니라, 때
에 따라 관세담당자와 같은 당국의 사람도 포함하고 있다. 한편, 밀수의 조사를 기록
한 의회사료나 신문 중에 남아있는 증언을 통해 밀수에 대한 시점이 어떤 식으로 변
해갔는가를 알 수 있다. 그 중에서, 항구를 중심으로 살아가는 사람들이 어떻게 해서
자신들의 생활과 외부 세계를 결부시켰는가를 되짚어보고자 한다.
47
Douglas R. Reynolds
1853-1927
1901
1899
1903
After the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars, the Qing Government began focusing on
importation of Western knowledge via Japan by inviting Japanese advisers to China, and
dispatching students and delegations to Japan. As has been shown through the research of Sanetō
Keishū and Douglas R. Reynolds, the "Japanese model" was adopted in China in military, legal, and
educational fields. Introduction of the Japanese fiscal system to China, by contrast, has not yet been
researched in detail, with the exception of general comments given in the work of Xiong Dayun.
My presentation addresses this lacuna by examining Cai zheng si gang (Four Aspects of the Fiscal
System) written by Qian Xun (1853-1927) and published in 1901. Qian was dispatched to Japan by
Zhang Zhidong, and served as the director of students from Hupei Province for the five years from
1899 to 1903. He not only demonstrated an enthusiasm for Japanese learning while he was in Japan,
but later sent his sons and younger brother to study in Japan as well. According to the foreword in
the Cai zheng si gang, Qian based his analyses of the Japanese fiscal system on descriptions by
Chinese students in Japan. The book is divided into four parts: taxation, currency, the banking
system, and national debt. By analyzing the book, it is possible to elucidate the kind of Japanese
fiscal system that attracted contemporary Chinese students. The book also sheds light on the fiscal
48
system adopted by the young Meiji government, in particular until the period just preceding the
Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.
Keywords: Qian Xun, Cai zheng si gang, Japanese fiscal system, Chinese students in Japan, Meiji period
세기 초의 청국의 일본재정제도
치엔쉰
의
도입의 한 측면
을 통하여
씨 링(고베대학인문학연구과)
청일 러일전쟁 후, 청국은 일본이 도입한 유럽의 학지( 知)에 주목해, 고문(顧問)초
빙, 유학생파견, 시찰방문 등을 일본과의 사이에서 활발하게 실시하였으며, 일본의 해
군 교육 법률 재정(財政) 등에 관한 제도를 모범으로 하려던 점은 잘 알려진 사실이
다. 지금까지는 주로 일본의 해군 교육 법률제도의 도입에 중점을 두고, 사네토 케이
슈( 藤 秀)나 더글라스 레이놀즈(Douglas R. Reynolds)등에 의해 많은 연구가 이루
어져왔다. 이에 반해 일본재정제도의 도입에 관한 고찰은 극히 드물었다. 발표자가 알
고 있는 한 쏭따위인(熊達雲)의 『근대중국관민의 일본시찰(近代中 官民の日本視察)』
의 개설적인 분석 정도를 들 수 있다.
따라서, 본 발표는 선행연구에서는 충분히 다루어지지 않은 일본재정제도의 도입에
주목하여, 지금까지 별로 활용된 적이 없는 치엔쉰( 恂, 1853-1927）에 의한 『챠이쩡
쓰깡(財政四綱)』
（1901 年）
이라고 하는 1 차 사료(史料)를 중심으로 고찰하고자 한다. 치
엔쉰은 장즈동(張之洞)에 의해 일본에 파견되어 1899 년부터 1903 년까지 체류하였고,
그 후 아들을 시작으로 가족을 일본에 유학시켰다. 조세 은행 화폐 국채의 네 부분
으로 나누어진 『財政四綱』는 그 서문에 의하면 주로 일본에 머무는 학생에 의한 서
술에 기초하여 작성되었다고 한다. 그렇기 때문에 이 책의 분석을 통하여 당시의 일
본 체류 청국 유학생이 일본의 어떤 재정제도에 어떠한 구체적인 관심을 가지고 있었
는가를 밝히려고 한다. 나아가 일본에서의 20 세기 초(특히, 러일전쟁 이전)라고 하는
시점까지의 재정제도 양상을 제시하여, 메이지국가(明治 家) 성립의 한 측면을 제시
하고자 한다.
49