現代モンゴル語のアスペクトと動詞の限界性

*
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+ bayi1.
1.1.
(1)
(1)
(1) a.
b.
+ bayi-
c.
+ bayi-
(1a) (1c)
(2)
*
A
18251007
(1)
Poppe (1954)
c j
˘
-ju
(2)
(a)
(b)
-ciqa-
(1983)
Sanzheyev (1973)
-jü
(1b)
+ bayi-
1.2.
bayi-ju
-γad
-γsaγar
-γad bayi-
-ju bayi-
-γsaγar bayi(3)
(2) (4)
(2)
-ju bayi-
(a) durative or iterative
Street (1963)
(1995)
(b) imperfective action Bosson (1964)
(c)
(present progressive) [-ju bayi-na
(1986)
(1993)
]
Hangin (1968)
(1991)
progressive Song (1995, 1997)
(2001)
(2002)
odo üiledcü bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi
(c)
(d)
(e)
(f)
-ju bayi(-na)
(1986), Song (1995, 1997)
-ju bayi(-na)
(1985),
+ bayi- Hangin (1968),
(2002)
+ bayi+ bayi(2002)
(2002)
(1993)
(1991), 査干哈達 (1995),
(2001),
(3)
1989, 1992,
孫竹 (1985), 査干哈達 (1995),
(Mingγan Bayar) : 1939
(Xiao Chun) : 1973
2001
(2002)
-ju bayi-
(3)
(a)
(b)
(c)
-γad bayi-
(a) it express an action which takes place continuously or repeatedly Hangin
(1968)
[-γad la bayi-
]
(2001)
(b) it must be translated ‘has already …’
Bosson (1964)
(2002)
jalγaγad üiledüged bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi
(2002)
(c) perfective, durative or iterative Street (1963)
(1991)
(d)
(1995)
(2)
-γad bayi(a)
(4)
(b)
(c)
(d)
-γsaγar bayia strong durative Street (1963)
it carries the meaning ‘keeps on, goes on, continues to’ Bosson (1964)
it expresses the meaning “continues to, keeps on” and “still” Hangin (1968)
(1991)
(1995)
(2002)
udaγan üiledügseger bayiqu bayidal -un kelberi
(2), (3)
bayi-
(2002)
-γsaγar
-γsaγar bayi-
(perfective)
(imperfective)
(grammatical category)
(4)
(aspect)
(Aktionsart)
(aspectuality)
(5)
(5)
(5) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
(5e)
(paradigmatic relation)
(4)
(1992: 98-100)
(1992)
Ю.С.Маслов А.А.Холодович
Маслов
(1984) “Об основных понятиях аспектологии
. В кн.: Очерки по аспектологии
. Ленинград, с.5-47”
(5)
(1995: 29)
(1990: 1(1990) Ю.С.Маслов А.А.Холодович
Маслов (1962) “Вопросы глагольного вида в современном
зарубежном языкознании
. В кн.: Вопросы глагольного вида. Сборник
, Москва, с.3-32”
5)
(5)
(syntagmatic relation)
2.
2
Маслов (1978)
(6)
2.1.
Маслов (1978)
(6), (7)
(6) a.
b.
c.
(7)
(6)
(1992: 35-45)
Маслов (1978) “К основаниям сопоставительной аспектологии
. В кн.: Вопросы сопоставительной аспектологии
. Ленинград, с.4-44.
(8) Ⅰ
(8)
Ⅲ
Ⅱ
(8)
Ⅰ
Ⅱ
Ⅲ
Ⅳ
Ⅲ
Ⅳ
(9)
(9)
B, (10)
(10)
A
(9)
A
B
(10)
A
Ⅰ
(11),
(12)
(11)
A
B
C
Ⅳ
(12)
A
B
(11), (12)
B
(11)
2.2.
Маслов (1978)
(13)
(13)
a.
b.
c.
(13a)
(14)
a.
b.
(14b)
(15)
(14)
C
(7)
(16)
3.
+ bayi3
-γad bayi-
3.1.
-ju bayi-
-γsaγar bayi-
-γad bayi-γad bayi-
(3)
3.1.1.
(17) minu
(GEN)
(7)
abu
ükü-ged bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(2003: 121-144)
(18) egüde negege-gde-ged bayi-na.
-PAS-ASP-TEN
(19) bilig
nom-un sang-du
oci-γad bayi-na.
-DAT
-ASP-TEN
(20) ariγuna qurimla-γad bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(21) tere miqa ömükeyire-ged bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(17)
(18)
(20)
(19)
(21)
perfective
-γad bayiperfective
perfective
+ bayi-
(22) namjil
keüked-iyen
teberi-{-gsen bayi-/-ged bayi-}-na.
-ACC(REF)
(23) bilig
tere
sandali-du
-DAT
(22), (23)
-γsan bayi-
-γsan bayi-
-ASP-TEN
saγu-{-γsan bayi-/-γad bayi-}-na.
-ASP-TEN
-γad bayi-
(22)
-γad bayi-γsan bayi-
(17) (21)
(8)
-γad bayi(17) (21)
-γad bayi-γad
bayi-γad bayi(9)
(telic verb)
-γad bayi-
-γad bayi(atelic verb)
-γad
bayi(24) batu
cimayi
jodo-γad bayi-na.
(ACC)
(25) ariγuna γool -du
-ASP-TEN
umba-γad bayi-na.
-DAT
(26) batu
-ASP-TEN
güyü-ged bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(27) batu
nom-i
-ACC
(8)
(9)
ungsi-γad bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
Dugarova and Jaxontova (1988: 217-220)
-γsan bayi(perfect)
(2002)
-γsan bayi-γad bayi-γsan bayi-γad bayi-γsan bayi-γad bayitelic atelic
-γad bayi-
Garey (1957), Dahl (1981)
(28) bi
tegün-i
(NOM)
(29) batu
mede-ged bayi-na.
-Acc
ger -tegen
-ASP-TEN
bayi-γad bayi-na.
-DAT(REF)
(24)
-ASP-TEN
(29)
(24) (29)
-γad bayiiterative
-γad la bayi-γad
(30) bilig
bayi-
masin terge-dü saγu-γad la bayi-na.
-DAT
(31) bilig
nom-un sang-du
-DAT
(30)
(10)
la bayi-
-ASP-TEN
oci-γad la bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(31)
la
(2001)
(10)
la
1986: 208
1991: 462
-γad la bayi-
la
-γad bayi-γad la bayi-
-γad
3.1.2.
-γad bayi-γad
bayi-
(32a) batu
güyü-ged bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(32b) batu
surγaγuli-du
-DAT
(33a) batu
nom-i
-TER
tere
-ASP-TEN
ungsi-γad bayi-na.
-ACC
(33b) batu
güyü-ged bayi-na.
kür-tele
-ASP-TEN
nom-i
ekin-ece
-ACC
ungsi-γad bayi-na.
γurban
qaγudasu
-ABL
-ASP-TEN
(32a), (33a)
(11)
(32b)
(33b)
(32b), (33b)
-γad bayi-
-γad bayi-
(11)
Vendler (1967)
(2000: 31-32)
3.2.
-ju bayi-ju bayi(2)
Song (1995, 1997)
Song (1995, 1997)
-ju bayi-
3.2.1.
(34a)
yeke salki
salkila-na.
-(ASP)-TEN
(34b)
yeke salki
salkila-ju bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(35a) batu
nom-i
-ACC
(35b) batu
nom-i
-ACC
ungsi-na.
-(ASP)-TEN
ungsi-ju bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(34a)
(34b)
(35a)
(35b)
(34b), (35b)
-ju bayi-
-ju bayi(progressive)
(imperfective)
-ju
bayi-ju bayi-
3.2.2.
(36) namjil
qubcasu-ban
emüs-cü bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
-ASP-TEN
(37) egüde negege-gde-jü bayi-na.
-PAS-ASP-TEN
(36), (37)
(36)
(37)
-ju bayi(36), (37)
(36a)
(36a) namjil
mongγol
debel-iyen
(36b)
emüs-cü bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
(36b) namjil
-ASP-TEN
toli-yin emüne qubcasu-ban
-GEN
Song (1995, 1997)
emüs-cü bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
-ASP-TEN
-ju bayi(telic verb)
Song (1995, 1997)
Song
(1995, 1997)
(38) namjil
(38), (39)
keüked-iyen
-ACC(REF)
-ju bayi-
teberi-jü bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(39) bilig
tere sandali-du
saγu-ju bayi-na.
-DAT
-ASP-TEN
-γad bayiteberi-
saγu-
-γad bayi(38), (39)
-ju bayi-
(12)
(40) bilig
nom-un sang-du
oci-ju bayi-na.
-DAT
(41) erdeni
sine
-ASP-TEN
ger-iyen
bari-ju bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
-ASP-TEN
(40), (41)
(40)
(41)
(41)
(40),
-ju bayi-
(40’) * bilig
(40’)
nigente nom-un sang-du
oci-ju bayi-na.
-DAT
(40’)
(12)
Song (1997)
nigente
(39)
(39)
-qu gejü bayi-na
Song (1997)
-ASP-TEN
-ju bayiSong (1995, 1997)
Song (1995, 1997)
Telic A
-ju bayi-
(42) Telic A
Telic B
Telic B
///////////////////
Telic B
/////////////////// ////////////////////
Song (1995, 1997)
(40)
Telic A
oci-
(41)
(40), (41)
bariSong
(1995, 1997)
(43) * minu
(GEN)
abu
ükü-jü bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(44) * qoyar baraγan terge mörgüldü-jü bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(45) ariγuna qurimla-ju bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(43), (44)
(43),
(44)
(13)
(13)
(43), (44)
(a)
(45)
Song (1995, 1997)
(43) (45)
Telic A
(43)
(45)
(43)
ükü-
Song (1995, 1997)
Song (1995, 1997)
-ju bayi-
Telic A
Telic B
(14)
3.2.3.
(46) bi
tegün-i
(NOM)
mede-jü bayi-na.
-ACC
-ASP-TEN
(b)
(a) olan
cerig ükü-jü bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(b) qoyar
üker
mörgüldü-jü bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(14)
Song (1997)
(43) (45)
Telic B
(reflexive)
-ju bayi-
(47) batu
cimayi
qayirla-ju bayi-na.
(ACC)
(48) radio
abdara
-ASP-TEN
degere bayi-ju bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(49) bi
oyutan
bayi-ju bayi-na.
(NOM)
-ASP-TEN
(50) tere bayising sayiqan bayi-ju bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(46) (50)
-ju bayi-
(46) (50)
(46)
-ju bayimede-ne
mede-jü bayi-na
-ju
bayi-
(stative verb)
(48) (50)
-ju bayi(51a)
-ju bayi-
(51a) (51b)
(51a) * bi
baγatur
(NOM)
(51b) bi
-ASP-TEN
baγatur
(NOM)
bayi-ju bayi-na.
(bayi-na).
(be-TEN)
(49)
(49) (51)
(15)
(15)
(49)
bi oyutan
bayi-na
(49)
3.2.4.
-ju bayi-ju bayi(progressive)
(imperfective)
-ju bayi-
-ju bayi-ju bayi-ju bayi(durative)
Street (1963)
(16)
-γad bayi-
(52) namjil
keüked-iyen
teberi-{-jü bayi-/-ged bayi-}-na.
-ACC(REF)
(53) bilig
tere
sandali-du
-ASP-TEN
saγu-{-ju bayi-/-γad bayi-}-na.
-DAT
(52), (53)
-ju bayi-
-ASP-TEN
-γad bayi-
-ju bayiSong (1995, 1997)
Telic A
-ju bayi-
-γad bayiTelic B
-γad bayi-
(16)
Song (1997)
-ju bayi379-380)
-ju bayitic)
Progressive
Song (1997)
continuous
Song (1997:
continuous
(cross-linguis-
3.3.
-γsaγar bayi-γsaγar bayi-
-ju bayi-
3.3.1.
(54)
yeke salki
salkila-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.
-ASP-TEN
(55) batu
nom-i
ungsi-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.
-ACC
(54), (55)
-ASP-TEN
-γsaγar bayi-
-ju bayi-
bayi-
(54)
bayi-
-γsaγar
-ju
-γsaγar bayi(4)
-γsaγar bayi-
3.3.2.
(56) namjil
keüked-iyen
-ACC(REF)
(57) bilig
tere
sandali-du
-DAT
(56), (57)
bayi-
-γsaγar bayi(54), (55)
-ju bayi-
-γsaγar bayi-
teberi-{-jü bayi-/-gseger bayi-}-na.
-ASP-TEN
saγu-{-ju bayi-/-γsaγar bayi-}-na.
-ASP-TEN
-ju bayi-
-γsaγar
(56)
-γsaγar bayi-
(58) namjil
-ju bayi-
qubcasu-ban
emüsü-gseger bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
-ASP-TEN
(59) egüde negege-gde-gseger bayi-na.
-PAS-ASP-TEN
(58), (59)
-γsaγar bayi-γsaγar bayi-
Song (1995, 1997)
B
(60), (61)
(17)
(60) bilig
nom-un sang-du
oci-γsaγar bayi-na.
-DAT
(61) erdeni
sine
-ASP-TEN
ger-iyen
bari-γsaγar bayi-na.
-ACC(REF)
(62) *minu
abu
-ASP-TEN
ükü-gseger bayi-na.
(GEN)
-ASP-TEN
(63) * qoyar baraγan terge mörgüldü-gseger bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(64) * ariγuna qurimla-γsaγar bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(17)
-γsaγar bayi-
-ju bayi(59)
Telic
Telic A
(62), (63)
-ju bayi(18)
(64)
qurimla-
-ju bayi-γsaγar bayi3.3.3.
(65) batu
cimayi
qayirla-γsaγar bayi-na.
(ACC)
(66) radio
abdara
-ASP-TEN
degere bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(67) bi
oyutan
bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.
(NOM)
-ASP-TEN
(68) tere bayising sayiqan bayi-γsaγar bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(65) (68)
(18)
(62), (63)
-γsaγar bayi-
-ju bayi-γsaγar bayi(a)
-ju bayi(b)
(a) olan
cerig ükü-gseger bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
(b) qoyar
üker
mörgüldü-gseger bayi-na.
-ASP-TEN
3.3.4.
-γsaγar bayi-γsaγar bayi-
-ju bayi-ju bayi-
-γsaγar bayi-ju bayi-
-γsaγar bayi-γsaγar bayi(19)
4.
4.1.
+ bayi-
(69)
Telic A
Telic B
-ju bayi-
-γad bayi-γad bayi-
(19)
-γsaγar bayi-
(2000: 74-75)
(2004)
-ju bayiTelic A
Telic B
-ju bayi-
Telic A
Telic
B
(70)
(70)
Telic A
Telic B
-γad bayi-ju bayi-γsaγar bayi-
(69)
(71)
(71)
bayiajilla-
medegüyü-
naγad-
salkila-
uuγuTelic A
qayirlainiye-
etc.
jodo-
umda-
ungsi-
etc.
ala-
bari-
mörgüldüqurimla-
ireoci-
kür-
qayilauna-
tura-
ükü-
etc.
Telic B
saγu-
emüs-
negegegde-
teberi-
etc.
4.2.
-ju bayi-
-γad bayi-
-γsaγar bayi-
(20)
(72)
-na
-ju bayi-na
-γad bayi-na
-γsaγar bayi-na
-ba
-ju bayi-ba
-γad bayi-ba
-γsaγar bayi-ba
-jai
-ju bayi-jai
-γad bayi-jai
-γsaγar bayi-jai
-la
-ju bayi-la
-γad bayi-la
-γsaγar bayi-la
-ju bayi-γad bayi-
(73)
-ju bayi-
-γad bayi(-ju bayi-)
(74)
-ju bayi(75)
-ju bayi-
(20)
-na
-ba
-jai
-la
-ba
(1993), Song (1997)
-jai
-la
(76)
-ju bayi-γad bayibayi-
-γsaγar
-ju bayi-
+ bayi-daγ bayi-
(21)
(77)
⇒ -γad bayi- ?
⇒ -daγ bayi- ?
4.3.
Song (1997)
-ju bayiTelic B
-ju bayi-ju bayi-
(21)
-daγ bayi-
宋在穆 (1997)
Abbreviation
ablative: ABL accusative: ACC
genetive: GEN
aspectual marker: ASP
nominative: NOM
temporal marker: TEN
passive voice: PAS
reflexive: REF
terminative gerund: TER
130
(2002)
dative-locative: DAT
2005
6
,
:
(2002)
:
243-270,
:
Binnick, Robert I. (1979) Modern Mongolian: A Transformational Syntax,
Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press.
Bosson, James E. (1964) Modern Mongolian: A Primer and Reader, Uralic and
Altaic Series 38, Indiana University Publications.
(1995)
,
:
Comrie, Bernard (1976) Aspect, Cambridge University Press.
Comrie, Bernard (1981) Aspect and Voice: Some Reflections on Perfect and
Passive, Tense and Aspect, Syntax and Semantics 14: 65-78, New York:
Academic Press.
Dahl, Östen (1981) On the Definition of the Telic-Atelic (Bouned-Nonbounded)
Distinction, Tense and Aspect, Syntax and Semantics 14: 79-90, New York:
Academic Press.
(1983)
,
:
Dugarova, Galina S. and Natalia S. Jaxontova (1988) Resultative and Perfect in
Mongolian, Typology of Resultative Constructions, edited by Vladimir P.
Nedjalkov, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co.
Hangin, John G. (1968) Basic Course in Mongolian, Uralic and Altaic Series 73,
Indiana University Publications.
(1993)
104: 1-20.
(2004)
14: 149-165.
(1993)
,
:
Garey, Howard B. (1957) Verbal Aspect in French, Language 33-2: 91-110,
Linguistic Society of America.
(1990)
(Ⅰ)
29,
(1992)
(Ⅱ)
35,
(2000)
2,
:
(1995)
,
:
(1989)
2: 1426-1434,
:
(1992)
4: 517-526,
:
Maslov, Jurij S. (1988) Resultative, perfect, and aspect, Typology of Resultative
Constructions, edited by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov, Amsterdam/Philadelphia:
John Benjamins Publishing Co.
(1986)
,
:
Poppe, Nikolaus (1951) Khalkha-Mongolische Grammatik, Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner Verlag Gmbh.
Poppe, Nicholas (1954) Grammar of Written Mongolian, Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz.
(1991)
,
:
(2001)
22: 15-23.
Sanzheyev G. D. (1973) The Modern Mongolian Language, Moscow: Nauka
Publishing House.
E.
(2001)
,
:
Song, Jae-mog (1995) Progressives in Korean and Khalkha Mongolian, Working
Papers in Linguistics & Phonetics 5: 251-270, School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London.
Song, Jae-mog (1997) Tense, Aspect and Modality in Khalkha Mongolian,
Dissertation, University of London.
宋在穆 (1997)
할하 몽골어 습관상 (Habitual) 동명사 어미 -dag 에
대한 어휘적 제약
언어학 21: 139-155.
Street, John C. (1963) Khalkha Structure, Bloomington: Indiana University
Publications.
(2003)
,
:
(1985)
,
:
Vendler, Zeno (1967) Verbs and Times, Linguistics in Philosophy, Ithaca, New
York: Cornell University Press.
Aspectual Meanings and Verbal Telicity in Modern Mongolian
MATSUOKA, Yuta
(Graduate School of Humanities, Kyushu University)
In this paper, I provide a systematic account of the aspectual meanings of the
modern Mongolian converb+bayi- forms (-ju bayi-, -γad bayi-, and -γsaγar bayi-)
and highlight issues in the description in previous studies. The form -ju bayihas three meanings: progress, result, and state. The form -γad bayi- only expresses
the result in the case of a single action and state.
The form -γsaγar bayi- has the
same meaning as -ju bayi- qualitatively, but the meaning of -γsaγar bayi- is
different from that of -ju bayi- quantitatively in that the former expresses an action
and state that extend over a prolonged period of time.
In this paper, I also argue that the aspectual meanings of the three forms can
be predicted by the lexcial meaning of the verb that they combine with, and
propose an aspectual classification for modern Mongolian verbs.
Firstly,
Mongolian verbs are divided into stative and actual verbs, and I call the verbs for
which the form -ju bayi- has the same meaning as the morphologically unmarked
form stative verbs. Secondly, the actual verbs are sub-divided into telic and
atelic verbs, and I call the verbs for which the form -γad bayi- has a resultative
meaning telic verbs. Conversely, verbs of the -γad bayi- form that do not have the
resultative meaning are called atelic verbs.
Thirdly, telic verbs are sub-divided
into telic A and telic B, and I call the verbs for which -ju bayi- can express
resultativeness telic A, while the verbs for which the form -ju bayi- cannot express
resultativeness telic B.
2007
2
28
2007
5
15