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Maimonides and Aquinas
CHAPTER 12 Maimonides and Aquinas Alexander Broadie Comparison of Aquinas (1224/5–1274) with Maimonides (1135/8–1204) is for two reasons, one historical and the other doctrinal, an obvious exercise to undertake. As regards the first reason, through the centuries the two thinkers have been overwhelmingly influential within their own faith communities, and are uniquely entitled to be regarded as their spokesmen within the fields of both philosophy and theology. Furthermore both faced bitter opposition within their communities; and the public incineration of part of Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah by Provençal Jews1 is comparable with the condemnations in Paris and Oxford in the 1270s of propositions defended by Aquinas.2 As regards the second reason, that concerning doctrine, it has often been noted that there are close similarities between the teachings of the two, and that some of the similarities concern matters at the heart of the belief systems of Jews and Christians. It is upon such central matters that I shall focus here. The question of the precise causal relation between Maimonides and Aquinas will not be at issue here. Whether Aquinas adopted certain ideas because he found Maimonides’ arguments for them compelling, or whether a mode of expression used by Maimonides attracted Aquinas’ attention and caused him to modify his position—these are interesting historical questions which are extraordinarily difficult to answer, and no attempt will be made here to answer them. For present purposes it is sufficient to note that whatever the answers might be to these questions, there is greater significance in the sheer closeness of the positions of the two men on key philosophical and theological matters, and it is to that philosophical and theological closeness that we shall be attending in this chapter. Nevertheless it is necessary to bear in mind that Aquinas was familiar with a Latin version of the Guide of the Perplexed, and that he refers to it rather often, sometimes with acknowledgment to “Rabbi Moyses” and to his book the Doctor Dubiorum. The Guide was translated from Judeo-Arabic into Hebrew by Samuel ibn Tibbon in 1204, and not long after that a less accurate translation into Hebrew was made by Judah al-CharƯzƯ. It was al-CharƯzƯ’s translation that formed the basis of the Latin version, made in the 1220s, which Aquinas read.3 In order to indicate the closeness of Maimonides and Aquinas I shall attend to four topics that loom large in their writings; first, the question of the proper way to interpret the “names of God,” that is, terms predicated in the Bible of God; second, the question of whether the world is eternal or had a beginning in time; third, the objects of God’s knowledge; and fourth, the problem of the apparent incompatibility of the claims that human acts are free and that God foreknows all future human acts. Despite the range and depth of the similarities, Aquinas is at certain points strongly critical of Maimonides, indeed sees him as the person he has to oppose. A striking example of such disagreement is to be found in the famous discussion in the Summa Maimonides and Aquinas 225 Theologiae on the names of God. It can however be demonstrated that the disagreement is not as deep as Aquinas thinks it is. Both philosophers accept that certain terms predicated affirmatively of God in the Bible do not in that context have their customary signification but are being used metaphorically. All terms implying that God is corporeal fall into this category. Are there however any terms which do have their customary signification when predicated affirmatively of God in the Bible? We read that God is just, merciful, wise, powerful, and so on. Are these predications to be taken literally? Maimonides says not, on the grounds that to say otherwise would be to fall into the error of denying the principle of God’s oneness. Understood literally, the terms signify attributes. Hence to say that God is just, merciful, wise, and powerful would be to imply that there are in God many attributes, which would imply that God is a many-in-one, and therefore not one in the required sense. Maimonides’ solution, that affirmative predications are to be understood negatively, is an effective fence round the principle of God’s oneness, since to deny that God has a given attribute is not to attribute anything to him. Hence if we accede to the demand to deny, and never to affirm, things of God, we would not predicate things of him in such a way as to imply that he has any attributes, and in that case we would not be ascribing to God the complexity that is possessed by any substance in virtue of its having attributes. Aquinas writes as follows: “Some have said that though all these terms are said affirmatively of God, they are used to deny, rather than to affirm, things of him. Thus they say that when we say that God is alive we signify that God does not exist in the way that inanimate things do, and likewise with other such terms. Rabbi Moyses said this in the book Doctor Dubiorum.”4 But this position does not satisfy Aquinas. Let us agree with Maimonides in holding that God’s being alive is no more (or less) than God’s not being inanimate. In that case, adds Aquinas, we could say that God is a body, for to say that he is a body is to deny that he is mere potency like prime matter. It can however be shown that Aquinas’ argument against Maimonides is itself open to criticism. One criticism is this: If to predicate body affirmatively of something is no more than to deny mere potency of it, then it could indeed be said that God is a body, for God is not in mere potency. But to be a body is not simply not to be in mere potency. The pure intelligences are not in mere potency and yet neither Maimonides nor Aquinas thought that they were bodies. Hence the fact that God is not in mere potency does not, after all, imply that he is a body. A second criticism is based firmly upon a position that is presented several times in the Guide. Maimonides writes: One has ascribed to Him, may He be exalted, everything that in our opinion is a perfection in order to indicate that He is perfect in every manner of perfection and that no deficiency whatever mars Him. Thus none of the things apprehended by the multitude as a deficiency or a privation are predicated of Him… On the other hand, everything that the multitude consider a perfection is predicated of Him, even if it is only a perfection in relation to ourselves—for in relation to Him, may He be exalted, all things that we consider perfections are the very extreme of deficiency. However, if people imagined that this human perfection was History of Jewish philosophy 226 lacking in Him, may He be exalted, this would constitute in their opinion, a deficiency in Him.5 Thus the crucial point that Aquinas is missing is that on Maimonides’ agenda there is not only philosophy but also pastoral care. Maimonides does indeed think that, literally understood, “alive” and “wise” are no more truly predicable of God than “inanimate” and “foolish” are—to attribute “wisdom” to God, understanding the term as we ordinarily understand it, would be to attribute to God what would, in relation to God, be “the very extreme of deficiency”. But Maimonides recognizes that if the ordinary people were told that terms signifying what from their point of view are perfections were not truly predicable of God, they would think him deficient and would cease to obey his commandments. Since there is a special significance in such obedience, even when grounded on ignorance about a fundamental truth about religious language, the Bible predicates of God terms which ordinary people are bound to misinterpret. Better to be wrong about theology than to disobey divine law. Aquinas gives a second reason for rejecting Maimonides’ via negativa, namely: “It is contrary to what people have in mind when they speak about God. For when they say that God is alive what they mean is something other than that he is different from inanimate bodies.”6 However, Maimonides has prepared the ground for a reply to this criticism by distinguishing between the philosophically sophisticated and the multitude. He would grant Aquinas’ premise that “It is contrary to what people have in mind,” but Maimonides would deny that the multitude’s rejection of a sophisticated philosophical doctrine is proof, even weak proof, that the doctrine is incorrect. If people misunderstand a doctrine, then their rejection of it carries no implication concerning the doctrine’s correctness. Indeed Aquinas’ criticism is a risky one for him to put forward since his own account of the proper way to interpret terms when they are predicated affirmatively of God may be no more kindly received by the multitude than Maimonides’ account would be. Aquinas’ account, that terms predicated of God and of creatures are to be understood not negatively but analogically, is based upon the insight, accepted also by Maimonides, that human language is an inadequate instrument for representing God. Maimonides holds however that we cannot form a concept of God, and that therefore our language is a totally inadequate instrument, whereas Aquinas holds that we can form a concept of God, though one that represents him imperfectly, and hence we can use our language to speak about him, but to do so imperfectly. We are bound to understand terms in a creaturely way, which is of course an inappropriate way when they are predicated of God, but, as Aquinas insists, the terms are truly predicated of God, even though our understanding of them in that context is imperfect, and indeed the terms for the perfections are more properly predicated of God than of ourselves. It is in virtue of our imperfect grasp of those terms that Aquinas holds that they are applied analogically, not univocally, to God. The contrast between Maimonides and Aquinas is not however as clear cut as at first sight it seems to be. Both philosophers stress the concept of the absolute oneness of God, and they describe this oneness in very similar terms. In particular God is not to be conceived as a substance in which attributes inhere. Both hold that though we can, with biblical warrant, say that God has many perfections, these perfections, as existing in God, do not differ from each other nor differ from God. It is plain that both men believe it Maimonides and Aquinas 227 more appropriate to say that God is, than that he has, goodness, and that he is, rather than has, wisdom, and so on for all perfections. Futhermore, all those perfections are identical in God and with God. Maimonides encapsulates these points in his doctrine of negative predication and Aquinas encapsulates them in his doctrine of analogy. Most especially, Aquinas’ doctrine of analogy must be read in the light of the introduction to his discussion of divine simplicity.7 He writes: “Since we can know what God is not but not what he is, we can consider in what way God does not exist but not in what way he does.” On the basis of these related considerations, therefore, I should wish to defend the thesis that conspicuous differences of formulation conceal an identity of substance. Later I shall provide further support for the thesis. It was of course impossible for Maimonides and Aquinas to discuss the creation of the world without looking over their shoulders at Aristotle. The rabbi and the priest, profoundly affected by the system of Aristotle, knew the strength of his doctrine that the world is eternal a parte ante and a parte post. Yet they were also heirs to a tradition that the world had a beginning in time. Athens appeared to be contradicting Jerusalem. Maimonides showed how the contradiction should be dealt with, and Aquinas, accepting his solution, took the matter further. The influence of Maimonides upon Aquinas in this matter is generally recognized in respect both of Maimonides’ grand strategy and of his detailed argumentation. In the course of his discussion of the eternity of the world Maimonides affirms: “I shall pay no attention to anyone who besides Aristotle has engaged in speculative discourse, for it is his opinions that ought to be considered,”8 and indeed the discussion focuses almost entirely on Aristotle’s conclusions and on his route to them. Consideration of those arguments is of special importance, for of course if Aristotle has succeeded in providing a scientific demonstration of the doctrine that the world is eternal, then that demonstration has to be accepted. To reject a scientific demonstration is to abandon the very standards of rationality in terms of which the debate is being conducted. Maimonides’ tactic therefore is to argue that none of Aristotle’s arguments for the eternity of the world is a scientific demonstration, and that they are, instead, probable arguments only. Granted that we cannot rule out on scientific grounds the possibility that the world is not eternal, a question can then be raised as to whether there are arguments supporting the doctrine that the world had a beginning in time. Maimonides finds probable, though not demonstrative, arguments for the doctrine and concludes that it is reasonable to turn to the Torah for guidance. And the Torah teaches that the world did have a beginning in time. A distinction, equally crucial for Maimonides and Aquinas, has to be drawn here between the world coming into being ex nihilo and its having a beginning in time. We learn from the Torah that the world is a product of the divine will. The world thus has the metaphysical status of absolute dependency; it is absolutely dependent upon God’s will for its existence. For Maimonides, as also later for Aquinas, it is this status of absolute dependency for its existence upon something other than the world itself that is expressed by the phrase “ex nihilo”. Thus, that the world was created ex nihilo implies not that it had a beginning in time but that its existence is absolutely dependent upon the divine will, whether it had a beginning in time or not. Hence proof that the world was eternal would not by itself undermine the claim that the world was created ex nihilo. Maimonides, like Aquinas, believes that he has demonstrated that the world is created ex History of Jewish philosophy 228 nihilo. What he accepts on faith is that it had a beginning in time. This, then, is Maimonides’ strategic response to Aristotle, and Aquinas’ response to Aristotle is identical. But what are the arguments for the eternity of the world? One that Maimonides offers as due to Aristotle’s “later followers” is this: If we say that the world was produced in time, then before it was produced the fact that it was going to be produced could not have been necessary (for otherwise it would never not have existed) nor have been impossible (for otherwise it would never have existed), and therefore its future existence was merely possible. But every possibility has a substratum; that is, to say that there is a possibility is to say that there is something which has the possibility. Hence, to say that the world was produced in time presupposes that something existed prior to the world’s production, which is tantamount to saying that the world existed before it was produced. Therefore, it was not produced in time.9 This argument is reproduced by Aquinas as the first of his arguments for the thesis that the world never began but always existed. He writes: Regarding whatever has begun to exist, before it existed its existence was possible, otherwise it was impossible that it would exist. If therefore the world began to exist, then before it began its existence was possible. Now that which is able to exist is matter, which is in potency to existence which comes through a form, and to non-existence which is through the absence of form. If therefore the world began to exist, then matter existed prior to the world. But matter cannot exist without form, and the world’s matter plus form is the world. Therefore the world existed before it began to exist, which is impossible.10 Against this Aquinas sets out his own position, that God’s will is the cause of things, and that since there was no need for God to will anything but himself, there was no need for God to will an everlasting world. Rather, Aquinas adds: “The world exists just as long as God wills that it exist, since the existence of the world depends on his will as its cause. Therefore it is not necessary that the world always exist, and hence that it is necessary cannot be demonstrated.”11 This leaves Aquinas having to deal with the objection based on the insight that before the world existed it must have been possible that it would exist. But Aquinas is not impressed with the insight, for it ignores the fact that there is more than one way of being possible. His response, very Maimonidean, is that to say that before the world existed its existence was possible is to refer not to the passive power of matter, its power to receive form, but to the active power of God, that is, the power of his will. And taking “possible” in this way, the objection under discussion does not work. Aquinas proceeds immediately to a discussion of the question: utrum mundum incoepisse sit articulus fidei—whether it is an article of faith that the world began,12 and his reply is based on the consideration Maimonides and Aquinas 229 just stressed, that the existence of the world is due to an act of divine will. Since we cannot on the basis of a reading of nature rule out either that the world did have a beginning in time or that it did not, we are left having to read God’s will, that is, Scripture, which affirms that the world had a beginning in time. Our acceptance of that affirmation is an act of faith. Aquinas could hardly sound more like Maimonides. The nature of God’s knowledge is explored by Maimonides and Aquinas, and their conclusions are sufficiently close to warrant at least a second look at the claim that Aquinas’ via, analogica is based upon a rejection of Maimonides’ via negativa. If the two philosophers really have very different ideas as to the significance of terms predicated of God, why do they say almost exactly the same thing when discussing the term “know” as predicated of God? The problem both men face is this: Though we have some idea what it is for human beings to know things, it does not follow that we have any insight into what divine knowing is like, for our knowing is constrained by the conditions of creatureliness under which we live. We are infinitely restricted in our knowing by the fact that we look out upon the world from a spatial point, our here, and from a temporal point, our now, and we draw conclusions by using our fallible reasoning about a world we know from our infinitely restricted perspective. God is not constrained in these ways. Maimonides and Aquinas take his unconstrainedness as their starting point. They investigate what it is like to be a divine knower, and recognize that the investigation requires us to attend first to human knowledge and then to undertake the psychological, or conceptual, experiment of thinking away the conditions of creatureliness which constrain such knowledge. Significantly Maimonides’ account of divine knowledge is imbed-ded in his discussion of divine providence, for he has to reply to some philosophers who have claimed that since God does not reward the virtuous and punish the wicked, this must be because he does not know the world. In a word, absence of divine providential acts implies divine ignorance of his world. Maimonides’ reply is that God cannot be the creator and not know his world. No doubt his knowledge is very different from ours but we cannot deny that he has knowledge and also maintain that he is the creator. How different is his knowledge? Maimonides lists several differences and we find them listed also by Aquinas. I shall mention three in particular. Things exist now which previously did not exist. We now know them but previously we could not have done since they were not there to be known. But there cannot be things that God now knows that he previously did not. Do we say, therefore, that since he had not known certain things, for they did not exist, he now does not know them? Maimonides and Aquinas draw the opposite conclusion. Since there is nothing in God’s world with which he is unacquainted, it follows that he must know non-existent things, and know them as fully as existent ones. That is, there are things which do not exist today but will tomorrow, and God does not now know them the less for their presently not existing. Both philosophers say this, but there is a difference. Maimonides holds that “that which is never brought into existence is, with reference to His knowledge, an absolutely nonexistent thing, which is not an object for His knowledge, as that which is nonexistent for us is not an object for our knowledge.”13 Aquinas on the other hand distinguishes between “knowledge of vision” (scientia visionis) and “knowledge of simple understanding” (scientia, simplicis intelligentiae).14 By scientia visionis, God knows things which do not exist though they have existed or will exist. By scientia History of Jewish philosophy 230 simplicis intelligentiae, God knows those things which it is within the power of God or of creatures to produce but which in fact neither do, nor will, nor did exist. This appears to be a substantive difference between the two philosophers. They agree that God sees in a timeless instant whatever was, is, and will be, and that in consequence whatever was, is, and will be are all simultaneously present to God. Hence, they agree that a thing that now does not exist but did or will exist is not less present to God than what exists now is present to us. However, what is to be said of, for example, a painting of which a painter forms a concept although the painter never realizes it in pigment on canvas? Does God know that painting? Maimonides would no doubt argue that knowledge of the painting is impossible for there is no such thing as “the painting,” and that what Aquinas would call “knowing the painting” would better be described as knowing the concept. Aquinas would surely reply that though the painting does not exist in actu it does in potentia, and existence in potentia is existence of a sort, and certainly sufficient for God to know the painting itself. A further area discussed by both philosophers is God’s knowledge of the infinite, though their stated positions on this matter, while close, are not identical. Maimonides tells us that, unlike our knowledge, God’s “may embrace the infinite”15 and that “it may have as its object something that is infinite,”16 while Aquinas affirms that “God knows infinite things even by scientia visionis.”17 Maimonides’ repeated use of the modal auxiliary “may” contrasts with Aquinas’ formulation. Aquinas is thinking of things (in a broad sense of “things”) in the created world, and declares these to be infinite, and it is possible that Maimonides prefers not to commit himself on the question of whether they are infinite. Aquinas is explicit on this matter. “God knows the thoughts and affections of our hearts, which will be multiplied to infinity for rational creatures will always exist.”18 Here Aquinas is speaking as a theologian basing himself on the authority of Scripture, rather than as a philosopher, and I speculate that Maimonides was speaking as a philosopher rather than a theologian. Had he based himself on Scripture he would no doubt have omitted the modal auxiliaries. Finally in this section we should note the agreement between the two philosophers on the question of whether God is immutable if he knows the changing world. The argument with which both have to deal is simply stated: knowing a changing world implies knowing first one thing and then another; hence, the knower is changing and therefore not immutable. Both reject this argument. Maimonides’ statement on the matter represents the position of Aquinas also: No new knowledge comes to Him in any way. For, seeing that He knows that a certain man is now nonexistent, but will exist at a certain time, will go on existing for such and such a duration, and will then again become nonexistent, there will be for Him no additional knowledge when that individual comes into existence as He had known beforehand. Nothing was produced thereby that was unknown to Him.19 Here Maimonides is deploying the concept of scientia visionis, for what he is maintaining is that everything that was, is, or will be is present instantaneously to God. God sees Maimonides and Aquinas 231 things which have a temporal ordering, knows the temporal ordering, but knowing these temporally successive events is not a temporally successive act of God’s. Aquinas’ formulation of the underlying metaphysical reality would have been accepted in full by Maimonides: “Since God’s knowledge is his substance, just as his substance is entirely immutable so his knowledge must be entirely invariable.”20 There is no doubt that on certain matters regarding God’s knowledge Maimonides and Aquinas are not in agreement. But there is also no doubt that across the whole range of issues in that area the positions of the two philosophers are strikingly similar. Some of the evidence for this has just been presented. And this similarity surely provides support for the thesis that there is no significant philosophical difference between the via negativa and the via analogica. The difference cannot be great if their application to terms predicated of God results in closely similar analyses. The issue of the apparent incompatibility of the doctrines of divine foreknowledge and of human freedom is still a major one. Both Maimonides and Aquinas deal with it, and it is appropriate to comment here, if briefly, on the relation between the two philosophers on this matter. Maimonides raises the question of whether a future contingent event is any the less contingent for God’s knowing the event. He writes: One of the things that has become clear to me by the texts of the Torah is that His knowledge, may He be exalted, that a certain possible thing will come into existence, does not in any way make that possible thing quit the nature of the possible. On the contrary, the nature of the possible remains with it; and knowledge concerning what possible things will be produced does not entail one of the two possibilities becoming necessary… The whole of religious legislation, the commandments, and the prohibitions goes back to this principle: namely, that His knowledge concerning what will happen does not make this possible thing quit its nature.21 On the one hand therefore there is God’s cognitive relation to the future event, and on the other there is the metaphysical status of the event itself. The event is known by God, and therefore it must occur, for otherwise God could not know it. But what is necessary is not the occurrence of the event but the truth of “If God knows the future event, then it will occur.” The event remains contingent despite God’s foreknowledge of it. Here we need to recall Maimonides’ discussion of God’s knowledge of the created world as being an instantaneous knowledge of all events past, present, and future. Since future events are present to him, he knows them now, as we now know what is present to us. And just as our seeing a contingent event unfold before our eyes does not affect the contingency of the event, so also God’s seeing the event now does not affect its contingency. It follows that God’s foreknowledge is not foreknowledge in relation to him, for the event, though future in relation to us, is present to, or in the presence of, God. Whether this is a coherent story is a matter of current debate, and indeed Maimonides himself stresses the difficulty of understanding how God can have the kind of knowledge of future events that the story requires. He is not however tempted to retreat from the account; instead he notes that the underlying problem for us is the fact that the term “know” is used equivocally when predicated of God. In the present context however my History of Jewish philosophy 232 chief concern is to point out that Aquinas’ solution to our problem concerning the apparent incompatibility of human freedom with divine foreknowledge is substantially the same as Maimonides’. Aquinas gives us a famous metaphor: a man who is walking along a road does not see those who are walking along it behind him, but the person who is high up and sees the whole road sees all the wayfarers simultaneously.22 Likewise God sees all past, present, and future events simultaneously. What is future to us is known infallibly by God because it is present to him, that is, is in his presence. But according to Aquinas this does not affect the contingent character of events future in relation to us, for a distinction has to be made between, on the one hand, the certainty of the event, a certainty which God has because the event is unfolding before his gaze, and, on the other hand, the contingent nature of the event, for the knowledge is not itself the cause of the event: it has causes in nature, and so long as there is a contingent cause among its causes, the effect also has the character of the contingent. There is room for uncertainty about the precise relation between Maimonides’ solution to the problem under discussion and Aquinas’ solution. But there can be no doubt that they take lines which are at least very similar in response to the difficulty. It has not been the aim of this chapter to argue that right across the board there is a deep agreement between Maimonides and Aquinas; there manifestly is no such across-the-board agreement, as becomes clear if one seeks a well-worked-out theory of natural law in Maimonides’ writings corresponding to the very detailed theory that Aquinas developed. Nevertheless, it has been demonstrated in this chapter that there is a close correspondence between the two philosophers on a number of philosophical matters, including the creation of the world, the nature of divine knowledge, and the relation between divine fore-knowledge and human freedom. On any account these are matters of central philosophical importance. NOTES 1 Silver 1965. 2 Weisheipl 1974, chapter 7. 3 The most readily accessible medieval Latin version is Dux seu Director Dubitantium aut Perplexorum, edited by Augustinus Justinianus (Paris, 1520) (reprinted Minerva GmbH: Frankfurt am Main, 1964). 4 Summa Theologiae part 1, question 13, article 2 body (=corpus) of text, hereinafter 1.13.2c. 5 The Guide of the Perplexed, translated by S.Pines (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963) part 1, chapter 26, p. 56, hereinafter Guide 1.2.6:p. 56. Maimonides and Aquinas 233 6 Summa Theologiae 1.13.2c. 7 Ibid. 1.3. 8 Guide 2.14:p. 285. 9 Ibid. 2.14:p. 287. 10 Summa Theologiae 1.46.1.1. 11 Ibid. 1.46.10. 12 Ibid. 1.46.2. 13 Guide 3.20:p. 481. 14 Summa Theologiae 1.14.90. 15 Guide 3.20:p. 481. 16 Ibid. 3.20: p. 483. 17 Summa Theologiae 1.14.120. 18 Ibid. 19 Guide 3.20: pp.480–1. 20 Summa Theologiae 1.14.15c. 21 Guide 3.20:p. 482. 22 Summa Theologiae 1. 14.13 ad 3. BIBLIOGRAPHY Broadie, A. (1973–4) “Maimonides on Negative Attribution,” Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society 25:1–11. ——(1987) “Maimonides and Aquinas on the Names of God,” Religious Studies 23:157–70. ——(1994) “Maimonides on the Great Tautology Exodus 3, 14,” Scottish Journal of Theology 47:173–8 Burrell, D. (1983) “Aquinas and Maimonides: A Conversation about Proper Speech,” Immanuel 16:70–85. ——(1986) Knowing the Unknowable God: Ibn Sina, Maimonides, and Aquinas (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press). ——(1987) “Aquinas’s Debt to Maimonides,” in A Straight Path: Studies in Medieval Philosophy and Culture, edited by R.Link-Salinger (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press), pp. 37–48. Dienstag J.I. (ed.) (1975) Studies in Maimonides and St Thomas Aquinas (New York: Ktav). Fakhry, M. (1953) “The Antinomy of the Eternity of the World in Averroes, Maimonides and Aquinas,” Muséon 66:139–55. History of Jewish philosophy 234 Harvey, W. (1988) “Maimonides and Aquinas on Interpreting the Bible,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 55:59–77. Maurer, A. (1987) “Maimonides and Aquinas on the Study of Metaphysics,” in A Straight Path: Studies in Medieval Philosophy and Culture, edited by R.Link-Salinger (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press), pp. 206–15. Silver D.J. (1965) Maimonidean Criticism and the Maimonidean Controversy 1180–1240 (Leiden: Brill). Tirosh-Rothschild, H. (1986) “Maimonides and Aquinas: The Interplay of Two Masters in Medieval Jewish Philosophy,” Conservative Judaism 39:54–66. Weisheipl, J. (1974) Friar Thomas d’Aquino: His Life, Thought, and Work (Oxford: Blackwell). Wohlman, A. (1988) Thomas d’Aquin et Maimonide: Un Dialogue Exemplaire (Paris: Cerf).